commend, to exercise that power will be. running great risks as to the effect which it is calculated to produce in the minds of the people of other countries, especially in the minds of the Spaniards, whose friendship it is now so important to us to

out, the expence will become enormous; for, we must not only maintain a sea and land force sufficient to make head against the French, but also sufficient to watch any movements amongst the people of. Sicily themselves. That the people would have no reason to repent their change of rulers is probable; but, in such cases, men are not always under the guidance of reason; and, indeed, they seldom are, otherwise history would not inform us of so many long and bloody wars about the right of succession. So that, in any case, present appearances, with regard to Sicily, are, in a military and naval point of view, any thing but promising; though,. considered politically, they may, in the opinions of some men, be of a different aspect.

"into it. Therefore, let them return on "any terms that are tolerable: and, even "did it depend on the king, and he were "to grant solid privileges to his people, it "certainly would be better to govern freemen "than slaves.". -This does great honour to the heart as well as to the understand-preserve. And, then, as I before pointed ing of Lord Keith, and points him out as a man entitled to the respect of the nation. -If this sober, this wise counsel of Lord Keith, this counsel so worthy of a British Admiral, had been followed, how different might the lot of the Court of Sicily have been at this day, and how different our situation with regard to that court!But, how came the Reverend Mr. Clarke to insert this letter of Lord Keith? Why, he dared not leave it out; for, Lord Keith was the superior officer on the station to Lord Nelson. It was, in some measure, necessary to Lord Keith's character; and, Mr. Mc. Arthur, who was the associate of Mr. Clarke in the compilation of the life of Lord Nelson, was, I believe, the Secretary of Lord Keith, and has, I believe, ever since, been intimately connected, or at least, acquainted, with his Lordship. I do not mention this in order to hint at any partiality shown towards Lord Keith; for the insertion was called for by truth and justice; but, I mention it to shew, that, as far as the Biographers were concerned, other motives might, and in all likelihood, had, their influence; but, at any rate, it is manifest, that they had more scruple to run even the risk of barely touching by inference the reputation of Lord Keith, than they had to make a complete and direct sacrifice of the reputation of Captain Foote; though, from the beginning to the end, be appears to have acted the part of an intelligent and zealous officer and of a man of humanity and honour, with feelings always alive to the fair fame of his country.-Reverting, for a moment, to the affairs of Sicily at this time, it is possible that facts may have been discovered sufficient to warrant the suspicion of a design on the part of our allies, the Court of Sicily, to throw themselves into the arms of the French. This is possible, though no proof has been produced of it; and, if this should prove to be the case, it will then become a very delicate question, what we ought to do. It will form a point of more difficulty than any that has yet arisen, For, though we may have the power in our hands to compel what is suggested in the above paragraph, and what Captain Pasley and our newspapers re

MILITIAS' QUARRELING.. -It appears from the Dublin news-papers, that two, regiments of Militia, the Limerick and the Nottingham, quartered in the Barracks in. that city, have had a serious misunderstanding. It is stated, in these papers, that there were 400 of the Irish who encountered 1500 of the English. Wounds appear to have been given on both sides, and, it is said, that some lives were lost; hut, that peace was at last restored; that the Irish were moved away from those: quarters, and that, since, perfect harmony. has been shown between the corps, who have shaken hands, and given to each other assurances of unalterable friendship.

This is a matter of no small account ; for, from such beginnings, the most im-> portant consequences have often ensued ; and, it is the duty of every one, who has an opportunity of addressing the public, to suggest any thing that appears to him. likely to tend towards the averting of such consequences.The most effectual step would certainly be, in my opinion, to undo what has been done as to the interchange of the Militias, leave the Irish in their country and keep the English at home. But, perhaps, it is useless to talk of this now. The interchange has taken place; and it might be difficult to attempt to undo it all at once. -One thing, however, may always be done; one

not know that, and they are not, therefore, to blame for mistaking the object of their resentment.The Courier newspaper seems now, however, to be alarmed a little at the natural consequences of its own labours. It quotes, from an Irish paper, the Dublin Morning Post, of the 3rd of October, the following angry paragraph upon the subject of the verdict of justifiable homicide on the killing of the Irish soldiers a little while ago at Thatcham. "Is there common justice for an Irish"man, or when will the inhabitants of England cease to insult their long-suffering, though brave protectors? The day seems to be far distant, for the in"solent inhabitants of England are as I ungrateful to the People of Ireland, as they "were cruel to the natives of Africa in resisting the Abolition of the Slave "Trade. The people of England are de"bauched by opulence; and, though the "British name would seem to be preserved

thing is at all times in season; and that is to CONCILIATE Ireland; an object of which I have never lost sight for one single moment of the last ten years of my life, being fully convinced, seeing as plainly as I could see any thing, that unless Ireland was conciliated, England must always be in imminent danger. The Irish are full of wit, eloquence, spirit, and bravery, and they are hardy beyond almost any people in the world, but by none of their other qualities are they so much distinguished as by their kindness and their readiness to forgive. Yet, they are hasty, impétuons, sanguine, rash, and (on the sudden) vengeful.—It requires". but a very small portion of the knowledge of human nature to know, that such a people must either be treated kindly or actually keld down by sheer force. The latter, in the present situation of the world, is impossible; and, therefore, if we were to leave justice wholly out of sight, sound policy calls upon us to do all that lies in" from utter extinction by Irish valour, our power in the way of conciliation.— "their arrogance is equal to their corrupWhether our government has done all that "tion! Yet that arrogance may be humit was able in this way; whether it has bled, if they should persist in thinking pursued, either lately or formerly, a sys- "that Irishmen are passive as Britons, or tem of conciliation towards Ireland, to- "that forbearance is cowardice, or that wards that great, that powerful, that most "their indignant silence results from a vulnerable part of the kingdom, I must leave" conviction of their inability to obtain the reader to judge; but, of the conduct of the hireling's newspapers, in this respect, I cannot forbear to speak in terms becom-"this awful moment to be destined by ing the nature of that conduct.-These prints, in both countries, have loaded the Irish Catholics with the foulest abuse that ever blackened paper. They have called their leaders, and all those who have re cently appeared conspicuous in forwarding the intended petition, by every name descriptive of bad men, bad citizens, and bad subjects. They have accused them of acting under falsely alledged motives; they have accused them of a design to stir up the people to a resistance of the government and the law; they have accused them of a desire to separate Ireland from England; and, in short, they have branded them as traitors. This has been done in the COURIER news-paper over and over again.To accuse the Catholics in this way is to accuse Ireland; for, Ireland is, at least, three-fourths Catholic. And, yet these malignant writers seem surprized, that the Irish should be irritated against England. It may be unjust, and it cer tainly is unjust, to suppose that these hire-" ling prints speak the voice of the people of England; but, the people of Ireland can

"justice even by the tedious forms of "Law? No, no; the Irish seem at

"Providence to sustain the glorious cha"racter of being the arbiters of the fate "of Europe! The People of Ireland cry "aloud for justice on the slayers of the "brave man, who voluntarily left his native

land to protect that country, where he "was so basely slaughtered. The People "of Ireland feel the greatest indignation

against those unfeeling Englishmen, who " solemnly-on their oaths--at a public "inquest in the face of the world, de"clared that a wanton murder (as it after"wards appeared to be) was a justifiable "act.

Brutal-infatuated men, do you "seek to irritate Ireland, or do you not "dread the consequences of injustice? How "stands the fact according to your own "Newspapers-That corrupt portion of your public Journals in the pay of the Trea

sury. Your Newspapers that flatter your "corrupt vanity to the destruction of the Bri"tish name! Your Newspapers that vilify "Ireland, because you are prejudiced and ungrateful! Your Newspapers that pal"liate those abominable crimes which cannot in decency be named! Your Newspapers

"

"found your guilt too flagrant to be dehave done all that was in your power to "nied, and you have thus proved your produce deep and implacable animosity in criminality. Be unjust, and suffer man- the breasts of the Irish! The writer whose "slaughter to escape if you dare! By your "violence" you censure, accuses you; he ❝ own statements, which you cannot accuses the hireling news-papers of England. "deny, you are condemned already." Why do you not answer him upon that point? -This is indeed strong and violent Why do you not attempt to defend yourlanguage. It certainly is not justifiable self? An exclamation of "Good God!" as applied to the people of England. But, is no defence; and, unless you can offer who have we to thank for it but those venal something better, you may as well keep prints, which have so outrageously calum- your piety for the use of your closet.niated the people of Ireland, and which You complain about " squabbling about have never hesitated to brand with the places and disputing about dogmas;" but, name of traitor every Irishman who dared whose fault is that? Do you remember to utter a complaint, in however mild a way La Fontaine's Sister Jane, the aged Nun, it was done? Such abuse, such contemp- who, having been gay in her youth, extuous treatment would move stocks and horted the young girls when they came to stones to resentment; and, of all the peo- the grate, to shun the blandishments of ple in the world, the Irish are the farthest men, and who received for answer, that, from stocks and stones.- -The Courier when they had done as she had done, has now discovered, that there is a point they would do as she did? Oh! Sir, there beyond which it may be dangerous to is nothing so easy as for those who are in goad the Irish people with abuse; and, place to exhort those who are out of place therefore, in copying the above para- not, for God's sake, to "squabble about graph, on the 8th instant, it assumes a places." The same may be said about softened tone, and (Oh! admirable!) be- dogmas, by those who object to the grantcomes the preacher of mutual forbearance! ing of any thing that is asked by others as After having complained of the violence of to religious toleration.— But have the the above quoted paragraph, it proceeds news papers ceased to calumniate the Irish thus: "These comments would inculcate Catholics? No: they assault them with as a belief that there is no community of inmuch bitterness as ever, as will be seen by "terests between the two countries: that Eng- a paragraph quoted from a Dublin News"lish interests are not Irish interests, and paper in this same number of the Cou"that it were possible for Ireland to be rier.- "To the confusion of the Facprosperous and free for a day, a moment, "tion, we rejoice in stating, that the late "without being connected with England." differences between the Limerick and "Let this delusion pass away-Good God! "that while the sword and sceptre of Europe are in one hand against us, that we "should not be united! that we should still "be squabbling about places, and disputing" "about dogmas. The instinct of brutes "unites them in a common danger. The "reason of man seems to render him an "easier prey-Let us put an end to this

"

system of exasperation and recrimination.” Aye, put an end to them by all means; but, how? Why by you and your like ceasing to accuse the Irish petitioners with treasonable designs; by your ceasing to abuse the Irish people, and to speak of them as men to be kept in awe by the sword. If the people of Ireland are taught to believe, that there is no community of interests between the two countries, whose fault is it but yours and those who act and think like you? Ah! you may exclaim "Good God!" but, if we are dis-united at this perilous season, who is to be blamed but you and your like, who

"Nottingham Regiments of Militia, have "been happily accommodated. These Regiments met yesterday morning in "Stephen's green, and delighted every honest mind by their cordial reconcilia "tion. During this gratifying scene, the "Bands of each Regiment played the "National Tunes of the other. This is as "it should be; henceforth their weapons "will be drawn only against the common

Enemy; and the Faction, who so brutally "exulted in their dissention, have now to "mourn their re-union. May such tears be "ever shed by the eternal adversaries of "Ireland, the AGENTS OF HER EX"TERNAL FOE!"-Thus even the reconciliation of the Soldiers of the two countries who had unfortunately disagreed, must be seized on by the implacable malignity of these men as a suitable occasion for calumniating their political opponents and for representing them as traitors. any thing disastrous happens, they are accused of rejoicing at it, and if any

If

I do

it always has been, my conviction, that
nothing will put an end to those evils, but
putting the Catholics upon the same footing
with the members of the Church of Scotland.
The measure which has been so much
in agitation would do something; and I
should say "so far so good;" but I will not
lend my hand to deceive the public.
not think that that measure would do much,
and every one whom 1 know, conversant in
Irish affairs, thinks the same. I have be-
fore, upon various occasions, shown, that
to do, what I propose, would be attended
with little cost, and with no injury at all
to the established Church; but, suppose
it were to weaken the established Church,
and suppose that to be an evil, that evil
is to be set against the evil of continuing
the dissentions in Ireland, which render
that part of the kingdom so vulnerable
at a time when it is impossible to say what
hour it may be attacked by a powerful fo-
reign enemy. I may be deceived; my
remedy might be insufficient for the pur-
pose; but, no man will, I think, deny that
something ought to be attempted to put an
end to those dissentions, the existence of
which is notorious, and the consequences
of which may be so fatal.- -But, at any
rate, it would cost nothing for the venal
writers to abstain from an abuse of the
Irish Catholics, which, I repeat, compose
three fourths of the people of Ireland; it
would cost the nation nothing for them to ab-
stain from the indulgence of their malignity
in that way; it would cost nothing for
them to cease to speak, upon all occasions,
so contemptuously as they do of the claims
and the character of the Irish Catholics;
it would cost nothing for them to refrain
from exulting at every measure, hostile in
its operation to that numerous class of
people; it would cost nothing for them to
cease, in short, to represent the Catholic
body as fools and their leaders as traitors.
This would cost nothing, at any rate; but,
I must confess, that it is more than I can,
after long observation of their conduct,
hope to see. All the fact and argument is
against them; they have nothing left but
to give up the contest or resort to calumny;
and, in such cases, I have seen them uniform-
ly adopt the latter course. They charge
the Catholics with having other views than
those which they profess. What can be
more unjust and more irritating than this?
There is no such thing as answering such
an accusation, and there is no such thing
as hearing it with patience. The party.thus
accused must necessarily be filled with re-

thing fortunate, they are accused of mourn
ing over it; and, in both cases, they are
marked out as worthy of being treated
with all possible severity. This is the
way to conciliate is it? And, observe, too,
that these writers have no hesitation in
proclaiming to all the world, and, of
course, to our ever-watchful enemy, that
there is, in Ireland, a party who are consi-
dered as his " agents." They have no hesi-
tation in doing this, and yet they have the
cool insolence to express their sorrow at
the existence of disunion! This cool inso-
lence is even better calculated to foment
animosity than their outrageous abuse;
and, in short, the abused and insulted
party, must be far too low to merit the
name of men, if they did not show their
resentment against their calumniators.-
It was the government who adopted the
measure of an interchange of Militias; if
any evils have arisen, or shall arise, out of
it, the fault, if any, lies with the govern-
ment. The least, therefore, that justice
demands is to forbear to impute the blame,
or any part of it, to those who are looked
upon as opponents of the government, and
who had no hand in the adoption of the
measure. Yet do the venal prints conti-
nually throw out insinuations, upon this
score, againt the political opponents of the
government; against the "factious," that
is to say, in their sense of the word, against
every man, who dares to utter a complaint
upon any subject connected with politics,
and especially if he goes so far as to call for
a redress of any grievance, however modest
and humble may be his language and his
mode of proceeding. Thus treated how
is it possible for men of any spirit not to be-
come desperate; and, from desperate men
what are we to expect but desperate deeds?
Infinite is the mischief which these prints
have done. They find themselves beaten
at argument, and then they fall to abuse.
Those whom they thus answer feel as they
naturally must feel; and thus is animosity,
the animosity inspired by injustice, which
is the most lasting of all, kept constantly
alive in bosoms where it seldom long re-
mains inactive, and when it discovers
itself either in words or acts, the same
men who have occasioned it are the
first to recommend the severest punish-
ments of those words or acts. And, after
all this they have the astonishing effrontry
coolly to express their lamentations over
that want of union which is found to
prevail !As to the remedy for all the
evils which belong to Ireland, it is, as

sentment; and, is it any wonder if they really do, even on the ground of this accusation, conceive projects which they did did not before entertain? To make a woman faithless the ready and infallible way is to shew that you suspect her; and, to make a man aim at accomplishing any thing hostile to the government, what is. so likely as a false accusation of his intending so to do? But, all these arguments, and ten million more, if I could add them, would, I am afraid, have no weight with the conductors of a venal press.

port of reform, that very reform, to which stood pledged these very Whigs, by declarations the most solemn. I have now lying before me their Declaration to the People of England, issued in 1791, signed by twenty-seven Members of Parliament, amongst whom were Charles Grey, Lord Lauderdale, Lord Kinnaird, William H. Lambton, George Tierney, Arthur Pigott, William Baker, Samuel Whitbread, Dudley North, Thomas Erskine, Lord John Russell, T. C. Corwen, R. B. Sheridan, William Smith, Ralph Milbank, Henry Howard, Richard S. Milnes, H. Haworth, ESSEX ELECTION.. -The state of par- W. Powlett Powlett. These gentlemen ties in this country is worthy of particular and their associates declared their objects attention. For many elections past, the to be, “1. To restore the freedom of election two settled, regularly drilled parties, have" and a more equal representation of the divided the county between them, as they" people in Parliament. 2. To secure to used to divide the city of Westminster," the people a more frequent exercise of till the people there were resolved no "their right of electing their representalonger to be the tools of party.The" tives." These were the objects which Whigs (as they still call themselves) used the Whigs professed to have in view; and to put in one member, and the Pitites the these are the objects that Mr. Burgoyne has other, There was no disposition in either in view. He tells the county of Essex: "I -party to have a contested election. The" do not want to be elected myself; I am thing was a matter of amicable convention," not anxious that you should vote for me; and was settled by the respective leaders" but I am anxious that you should vote over a bottle at some inn, or at some coun- "for these objects; and, if no one amongst try house. Thus the people of the coun- "those who have professed to have them ty, the freeholders at large, had no more to "in view, will now distinctly pledge hindo in choosing the members of the county, "self to pursue them, I will, and I will than the people of any rotten borough have" stand forward as a candidate, and give in choosing the members for the said rotten "you an opportunity of approving of such borough. To put an end to this, and," a pledge." Nothing can be more fair at the same time, to give the freeholders or more consistent. The way is clearly of Essex an opportunity of making a stand open for any Whig candidate, who will for Parliamentary Reform, Mr. BURGOYNE act upon the principles, which his party declared himself a candidate upon that have so long professed to the people; ground. This was throwing open the coun- but, if no one will do that, and if any one ty; it was putting an end to the snug of them becomes a candidate without giv thing that had been going on for so manying the pledge, Mr. Burgoyne will oppose years, it was what the Whigs in particular him.. -Thus, then, stands the case with complained of as disturbing the peace of the the Whigs: they must, in Essex, give the county. Oh! impudent assertion! To pledge for Reform; or, they must see Mr. give the freeholders an opportunity of Burgoyne beat them; or, they must be conexercising their elective rights was to dis- tent to let the Pittites put in both the Memturb the peace of the county!- But, why bers. They are unable to carry a Memdid the Whigs dislike it most? For a very ber without the aid of the Reformers. Mr. good reason. Mr. Burgoyne stood, and Burgoyne divides their numbers and takes yet means to stand it seems, upon the the better half from them. If such division very principles that the Whigs had al- takes place, the Pittites will put forward two ways professed; and, he had the candour of their own candidates; and, it is very to tell them, that, if any one of them would probable, may carry them both.The pledge hin self to endeavour to obtain a par- question is, then; will the Whigs give the liamentary reform, he, Mr. Burgoyne, would pledge? I think they will not; for, from resign his own pretensions, and join in their conduct of late years, it is clear, that supporting that man. Nothing could be they prefer the success of the Pittites; more fair and public-spirited than this. that they prefer being beaten by their He asked for nothing more than the sup-rivals in all sorts of ways; that, in short,