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-But as it is likely from their former diplomatic transactions with us, that the Court of Palermo may have formed a very poor opinion of our firmness and penetration, it is by no means improbable, that they may endeavour to evade or baffle us in our requests, or that they may even give us a downright refusal. They may tell us for instance, "that they are not convinced by our arguments, as to the necessity of the measures which we propose; that the proper time to have made such stipulations was when we first entered into an alliance with them; that we are now bound by a treaty which we cannot in justice infringe; that no alteration can be made without mutual consent; and that they, as one of the high contracting parties, do not admit of the propriety of any."-Such a refusal on the part of the Court of Palermo, although very pernicious to the defence of Sicily, would, in point of justice, be perfectly correct; provided they, themselves, have at all times preserved good faith towards us: but treaties are binding upon two parties; and they, on their side, by the articles of their treaty with us, engaged to keep, constantly on foot, a well-disciplined regular army of a certain strength. If on enquiry into the present and past state of their army, we should find that its discipline is bad, that the soldiers have not been properly clothed, fed, and paid, and that the just claims of the officers have not been attended to; so that, upon the whole, their conduct to their troops has been shameful and oppressive; as both officers and soldiers have no scruple in publicly asserting; if we further find that they have always deceived us by false musters, never at any time keeping on foot the number of troops engaged; a thing which I have heard from the best authorities in the British army, and which is talked of as a matter of notoriety all over Sicily; then it will be absurd in us to admit of any refusal on the part of the Court of Palermo to our proposals, for they having failed in their engagements to us, we shall be no longer bound to adhere to ours; and, consequently, the least thing which we can do, is to withdraw our subsidy, and to leave them to maintain their army the best way they can by their own resources. We may then by means of the money thus saved, in a short time, raise a much more efficient army of our own, than we should ever be able to make out of theirs, were it put under our command. Hence the refusal of our demands,

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by the Court of Palermo, would be very much to our advantage; for they would thereby forfeit all claim to our national generosity, which they have already so much abused: It may be said, that should we withdraw our subsidy, in consequence of such a refusal, the Court of Palermo might feel themselves so much aggrieved by this just and necessary measure as to make peace with Buonaparte, and call the French into Sicily. This rash step, by which they would insure their own destruction, would be the most fortunate thing for us that could happen; for, as I have before observed, in treating of the state of that Island, we shall have a much better chance of success, by fighting there, as the enemies, than as the allies, of the present Government. This would be the case even if the French had an army of 30,000 men in Sicily; but it must be recollected, that they are at present blustering on the opposite shore, and before the Sicilian Government could profit by the assistance of French troops to drive us out of their Island, which they must beg our permission to let them cross over, which we, it may be presumed, shall not be weak enough to grant. As for the Government of Sicily making war against us, without the assistance of the French, by their own resources alone, unless they have been most egregiously duping us for the last five years, that is a thing absolutely impossible; for, by their own account, they have never been able to maintain their troops without our subsidies, so that the moment they declare against us, their army must disperse without a battle, for want of pay. Admitting, however, that their poverty was a mere pretext, in order to delude us out of our money; and that Sicily might have been very well able to support an army without our assistance, to say nothing of the peasants, whom we might easily arm in our favour. The regular native army in Sicily is not now, and never has been, strong enough to match us in the field. And any hostilities, therefore, on the part of the Court of Palermo, are by no means a thing to be dreaded; on the contrary, they would give us a right once more, to take possession of Sicily for ourselves, which would be attended with the most beneficial effects to our national powers and prosperity: NOR OUGHT WE TO HAVE THE SMALLEST SCRUPLE IN ADOPTING THIS VIGOROUS MEASURE, if the Court of Palermo, by their MISCON DUCT, give us JUST REASON for it.Unless they even know, and feel, that we

are prepared for acting in this way, it will | Schools, admission to which has hitherto be impossible for us ever to depend upon been confined to the descendants of the their sincerity. It is absurd to suppose Nobility, decree-1st, That in all Schools that any allied government in this world and Seminaries, by land and sea, Spawill not either shake us off or betray us, niards of respectable families be admitted, when it fancies it to be for its interest so provided they conform to the established to do; unless it is fully convinced, that regulations.-2nd, That they be also adwe are not merely powerful, sincere, and mitted as Cadets into all the corps of the good-natured friends, but that our enmity, army, provided they possess the qualificawhen provoked, is terrible, and our ven- tions requisite, without being obliged to geance destructive. If the Court of Palermo, produce any proofs of Nobility, and into after having received nearly two millions the Royal Navy, the regulations, both gesterling of British money, without having neral and particular, on this subject being fulfilled the stipulations by which they suspended.-The Council of Regency will bound themselves, when they became our take the necessary steps to enforce this allies, should think proper to treat with Decree, causing it to be printed, pubcontempt our moderate and reasonable re-lished, and circulated. quest, that we should command an army which we ourselves pay; and should aggravate the whole by going over with their booty to the French, they would certainly commit a most gross violation of the law of nations and of the faith of treaties; and if we meanly and tamely allowed them to offer us all these insults and injuries with impunity, our own conduct would be contrary to every principle of reason and justice, and would make us the laughingstock of the whole world."

SPAIN.Decree of the Cortes, relative to
the admission of others than Nobles as
Officers in the Army and Navy.-17th
Aug. 1811.

D. Fernando the VIIth, by the Grace of God, King of Spain and of the Indies, and, during his absence and captivity, the Council of Regency, authorised to act in his name, to all to whom these presents shall come: Know, that in the General and Extraordinary Cortes, assembled in the City of Cadiz, the following resolution was decreed :-The General and Extraordinary Cortes in the present situation of affairs, taking into consideration the pleasing necessity of giving every possible proof of the estimation, united by the heroic exertions which all ranks of Spaniards have made, and are now making in every possible way, in the critical circumstances of the country, against their unjust oppressors; and being desirous that the road to honour and glory should be laid open to the children of so many gallant men, that they may combine, with the bravery they inherit from their fathers, the knowledge to be acquired in these Military

SPAIN.

-Heads of the New Constitution.—

August, 1811.

On the 19th of August, 1811, appointed for the reading of the two Sections of the Constitution which have been finished by the Committee appointed to draw it up, (and the occasion attracted a great number of auditors,)-Senior Arguelles delivered a most eloquent and erudite discourse, explanatory of the object of the Constitution, its principal bases, and the documents which had been consulted in preparing it.-Senor Perez de Casto, read in succession the two Sections, consisting of 242 articles, and including the following.

Preliminary and fundamental Principles. Spain belongs to the Spanish people, and is not the Patrimony of any Family.-The Nation only can make Fundamental Laws. -The Roman Catholic and Apostolic Religion, unmixed with any other, is the only Religion which the Nation professes or will profess.-The Government of Spain is an hereditary Monarchy.-The Cortes shall make the Laws, and the King shall execute them.

Spanish Citizens.

The Children of Spaniards, and of Foreigners married to Spanish women, or who bring a capital in order to naturalize themselves to the soil, or establish themselves in trade, or who teach any useful art, are Citizens of Spain.-None but Cutizens can fill municipal offices.-The rights of Citizenship may be lost by long absence from the country, or by condemnation to corporeal or infamous punishments. (To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall,

LONDON :-Printed by T: C. Hausard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XX. No. 15.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1811.

[Price 18.

"The Members of the CORTES" (or Representatives of the people) "can neither accept for them"selves, nor solicit for any other any employment from the king, not even any honour, as there are no "gradations of rank amongst the Members of the Cortes. In the same manner, they cannot, during "the time that they are Members, nor for a year after their functions have ceased, accept for themselves 66 or solicit for any other, any pension or honorary distmction, that may be in the gift of the king.”Spanish Constitution, just published. Title VI. Articles 129, and 130.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

SPANISH CONSTITUTION.Look at the Motto, English reader; look at the motto! And, when you have looked well at it, I pray you to bestow, for some few moments, the use of those thinking faculties for which you are so renowned, upon the subject of the war, which we have been and are, at such an enormous expence, carrying on in Spain. I beg you to look back to the out-set of this war; to call to your mind what were the objects then professed by those who were the advocates of the war; and to consider above all things what we are now fighting for in that country.- It is not my intention now to enter upon an analysis of the New Constitution of Spain; but, I have here given you a specimen of it. I have here given you quite sufficient to awaken your curiosity, and to excite in you a most lively interest. The whole of the Constitution is in the same spirit; it is a most able composition; it contains proof of extensive knowledge and of profound reflection. The Junta at Seville did, as you will remember, publicly invite the friends of freedom, in all parts of the world, to give their assistance in suggesting a fit consti tution for Spain. I believe that MAJOR CARTWRIGHT sent in his plan; and, really, there does appear good reason to suppose, that the excellent Major's plan has been adopted with very few alterations; and, where the Cortes have at all deviated from his plan, it has been to render their government more of a republican cast.But, I shall say no more upon the subject at present. My intention is to lay before the people of England an Analysis of this famous instrument, which, the reader may be well assured, will produce more effect, will be productive of greater and more lasting consequence, than any thing that has taken place, even during the last twenty ventful years.-In the meanwhile, let

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it be borne in mind, that we are now fighting in Spain for the establishment of this Con stitution; or, we are fighting against the government of Spain; and, another thing is as clear as day-light, namely, Spain must have this Constitution, or Napoleon will have Spain. So that the Anti-jacobins are reduced to this dilemma: either they must wish to see this free, this republican (for so it is all but in name) Constitution established in Spain; or they must wish for the success of Napoleon in his endeavours to subdue that country. Not a word do we see, in the venal prints, nor even in the Morning Chronicle, in the way of com ment upon this Constitution; though, as one would imagine, the subject is of full as much importance to us as is that of Mr. Lancaster's schools or of the adventures of Mr. Trotter. Not a word do they utter upon the subject. Both the parties seem to be dumb-founded, and well they may, if they only look at the passage taken for my Motto. -Their silence, however, must not be suffered to answer its intended purpose. The evidence here afforded in support of the necessity of freedom to the defence of nations must not thus be smothered. I invite these prints to a declaration of their sentiments upon this important subject; and, if they decline the invitation, their motive will not be equivocal. To say the truth, the subject is equally thorny for both parties. If they condemn the Constitution, they not only condemn the principles of real freedom, but they condemn that for which we are fighting, and, of course, they might as well propose, at once, for us to join Napoleon against the Spaniards. If they approve of the Constitution; if they say it provides for a form of government for the establishment of which the sweat and blood of the people of England ought to be expended, then let them recollect, that they have represented us as traitors because we ask for only a very, very small part of

what this Constitution gives to the people" the Sicilian Army, and be a Member of of Spain. Thus hampered, they will, I "the Privy Council.-3d, that English dare say, preserve a sulky silence; but, that "troops should be admitted to garrison Paought not and will not prevent us from mak-" lermo.”. -Pretty well this! If this is ing such remarks as the occasion so loudly not calculated to insure what the TIMES calls for; and, indeed, I trust, that the calls the independence of the Island, I am demonstrations of approbation which we sure I do not know what is!--But, the shall give of this signal recognition of the most curious move of all would be, the soundness of our principles will not be sending of the native Sicilian army to confined to the mere efforts of the press, Spain and Portugal, while the English but will call forth from all the friends of army were left to defend Sicily. This freedom and reform those other marks of makes part of the system, I suppose, which approbation, which, on great occasions, appears to have been founded upon the they have been accustomed to give. new discovery, that men are likely to The public must have observed, how cold fight better in defence of a foreign counthe venal prints have lately been in their try than of their own country. This dislanguage relative to Spain; and, indeed, covery is certainly a new one; for, until in some cases, they have begun to carp of late years, it has always been the noat the conduct of the Cortes. They have tion, that men would fight best for that begun to complain of a want of cordial country, in which they were born and in co-operation on their part; they have talked which were their kindred, parents and in a huffish sort of style of the indifference children. But, is it certain, that the of the result to us: We have seen, too, Spaniards would like to have the assistance that there really has been some coldness of the Sicilian troops? I should doubt of between some of our persons in authority it very much indeed; and, in fact, I do and some persons in authority in Spain. not believe it, especially as I see in the General Graham has come away without New Constitution, an Article directly any sufficient cause having been assigned pointed at a jealousy respecting the emfor it; and, I cannot help pointing out to ployment of foreign troops, or the admisthe reader again, that the Spanish General sion of such troops into the country.If LACY, who wrote and published the an- we take the command of the Sicilian army swer to General Graham, has been since that remains, send the rest of the army away, that selected by the Spanish government put our Commander in Chief into the to be entrusted with a most important King's Council, and garrison Palermo, command. -I am sorry to see all this where the king's palace is, with English at this time; and hope that we shall see troops, we do, in fact, take the whole thing harmony restored; for, it would be la- into our own hands. Under such circummentable indeed, that there should a cool- stances, no one would pretend to talk of ness take place between us and the Spa- any will that the Court of Sicily would nish government, just at the moment when have. I do not believe that this will be they have most solemnly pledged them- done; for, how completely would it siselves to fight for a free Constitution! lence us in future as to the acts of Napoleon with regard to the weak powers of the North of Europe? In the very newspapers, which contain this paragraph, we are told that Napoleon has a design to garrison the island of Zealand with French Troops, and we are told that he is a tyrant for this. The design is described in all the most odious colours that can be well imagined. But, if we do what is proposed, in this paragraph, with respect to Sicily, what will our news-papers say then? Will they still call him a tyrant for insisting to put his garrisons into the strong posts of weaker states ?--In this absence of all authentic information, however, it is, perhaps, useless to spend our time in speculations as to what may or may not happen. Time will tell what is at present kept from

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SICILY.-Lord William Bentinck is, it is said, gone off to embark again for Sicily. The cause of his sudden return home has not yet been publicly stated. But, as it were by the way of a pulsefeeler, the venal prints of the 9th instant have given, under the shape of an extract of a letter from Palermo, the following statement of the propositions said to have been made by him to the Sicilian Court. "Palermo, Aug. 27.-On Lord Wm. "Bentinck's arrival here, it is understood " he was instructed to demand and insist "on three things-1st, That 10,000 Sici"lian troops should be sent to Spain and "Portugal. -2d, That Lord Bentinck should be appointed to the command of

our knowledge; and, in the meanwhile | statements; and his book is to be had of those who wish to be prepared for the form- Mr. Hatchard in Piccadilly.This book ing of a correct opinion of all our transac- should be read by every person in the tions with the Sicilian Court, from the kingdom. Nor will the impartial reader memorable year 1799 to the present time, be disposed to overlook the book of MISS will do well to read first of all CAPTAIN WILLIAMS, published by Messrs. Robinsons FOOTE'S VINDICATION. This gentle- in Paternoster Row. Mr. BELSHAM'S hisman, a Captain in our navy, was the per- tory should also be read. I have not read son, who, on the part of the king of Eng- it yet; but the Reverend Mr. Clarke's reland, signed the Capitulations with the commendation is a quite sufficient proof Neapolitan Patriots, previous to the return of its merit in this respect.What, of the king and queen from Sicily in that however, must the English Journals have year, and previous to the executions of the been at? How comes it to pass, that these persons, for whose lives he had become facts never got into them? I have looked the guarantee, on condition of their sur- into the Annual Register for 1799; and I rendering the forts that they possessed. find, that, not only is the truth wholly supFinding that a Mr. HARRISON, who had pressed; but that falshoods the most gross published what he called "genuine Me- are substituted in its place. This might moirs of Lord Nelson," had attacked his have arisen from the want of information; conduct, Captain Foote, wishing to avoid but, what a stain is this whole affair upon an exposure of the transactions in the Bay the English press?—Mr. Fox, whose of Naples, wrote to Mr. Harrison to cor- mind was always on the side of humanity, rect his error in a second edition. This did mention the matter, in the House of was not done, and, therefore, Captain Commons, on the 3rd of February, 1800, Foote resolved to vindicate his conduct in the words as quoted by Captain Foote. through the means of the press. In the He stated the case briefly, and in terms meanwhile a " Life of Lord Nelson" was far short of what Captain Foote's account preparing by the REV. J. S. CLARKE, would have justified. He stated it in with whom Captain Foote got into a cor- order to obtain an answer in contradicrespondence, and to whom he appears to tion; but no answer and no explanation was have communicated all his papers, in the given. What means have been made hope that this reverend gentleman would use of, since that time, to keep the facts have done justice to him and to truth. In from the English people, I shall leave the this, however, he was disappointed; for, reader to guess; but, I repeat, that, in as appears from one of Mr. Clarke's letters, order to arrive at a correct opinion of our all that he wanted with Captain Foote and transactions with the Court of Sicily, and his papers was to prevent, if possible, in order to form a sound judgment as to those facts from being believed that Cap- what is likely to result from what is now tain Foote's papers establihed as true. This said to be going on, we must, at least, read will clearly appear from a perusal of the the work of Captain Foote and Miss Wilcorrespondence, but particularly from the liams, making what allowances we may following passages in one of the letters: find necessary for the political principles "From what has been said in the foreign of the latter. As to Captain Foote's book, "journals, and by Helen Maria Williams, it is a mere vindication of his own charac"and very recently by Belsham in the ter and conduct. He appears to be as "11th and 12th volumes of his History warm a loyalist and as stout a hater of Ja"of England, it is not only necessary to cobins as any that can be found; but, he "mention Lord Nelson's conduct, but to could not, as he says, bring his mind to "enlarge upon it, and, IF POSSIBLE, submit to have his character blasted in "to do away what DEMOCRATS, for order to save that of another.There is "bad purposes, have asserted.". -He (quoted by Captain Foote from the Life promised Capt. Foote, that he should see of Lord Nelson) a letter to LORD NELSON the proof sheets as they came from the press; from LORD KEITH, which ought to be but, this promise he did not keep. Captain written in letters of gold. It was dated Foote complained of unfair treatment, and from Corsica on the 29th of June, 1799, told him, that he should publish a vindi- just before the executions began, and it cation of his own conduct including the says: "For God's sake, do not let those correspondence with Mr. Clarke.

This he has since done, subjoining to it all the authentic documents in support of his

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good people carry their heads too high. They will find it more easy to improve "the government when in it than to ger

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