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bury their hatred to one another in their greater hatred of Jacobins, or reformers.

this they cannot show; for, that they | England; of all those, who for so many have stipulated to keep constantly on foot years, have been the advocates of the war a well-disciplined regular army of a cer- in Sicily?--As to the conduct of the tain strength, and that they have not done Sicilian Court, our dearly beloved Antithis; that their army is not well-disci- republican friends, I shall leave that to be plined, clothed, or paid; "that their con- described by their associates; I shall duct to their troops has been shameful and leave that to the Antijacobins, and shall " oppressive, as both officers and soldiers be more apt to give them credit in this "have no scruple in openly asserting; that case than in almost any other; but, I "we have, by this court of Sicily, always must say, that it is somewhat surprising, "been deceived by false musters; that, that souls, so formed by nature for har"this being the case, we are no longer monious intercourse, should have per"bound by the treaty, and that the least mitted any thing to produce hostility be"thing we can do is to withdraw our Subsidy, tween them; and, in spite of present ap"and leave them to maintain their own pearances, I am inclined to think, that army in the best way they can out of they will make all up again; that they "their own resources.' He then pro will shake hands and be friends again, ceeds to say, that this would be a better and hang together as to all practical purthing for us than even the punctual fulfil- poses, just as the opposing parties of a cerment of the present treaty; for, that we tain assembly do, though they hate one should, with the subsidy money, be able another like poison. I think they will to raise a better army than that of Sicily" rally" round the good old cause, and is, and that the court of Sicily would, in this case," forfeit all claim to our NATIONAL GENEROSITY." Anticipating, that this step on our part might induce the court of Sicily to make peace with Napoleon, he says, that this would be the most fortunate thing in the world for us, for that "we shall have a much better " chance of success in Sicily in fighting there "as the enemies, than in fighting as the "allies, of the Sicilian government." He says, that the French cannot come to their aid without our permission; that the Sicilian army would be easily beaten by us; that WE MIGHT ARM. THE PEOPLE OF SICILY IN OUR FAVOUR. Therefore, he says, hostilities on the part of the court of Sicily are by no means to be dreaded; but that, on the contrary, they would give us a RIGHT once more "to TAKE POSSESSION OF SICILY "FOR OURSELVES, which would be "attended with the most BENEFICIAL "EFFECTS TO OUR POWER AND PROSPERITY; and, that we ought "not to have the SMALLEST SCRUPLE "in adopting this VIGOROUS measure, "if the court of Palermo, by their MIS"CONDUCT, give us JUST REASON " for so doing ;" and the "misconduct," which would give us this "just reason,' he explains to mean, a refusal of" our « MODERATE and REASONABLE re"quest, that WE should COMMAND "an army that we ourselves PAY."Reader, is it necessary to say any more of this, than just to observe, that this is the language of all the hireling prints in

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-But, all this while, the people of England, their blood and their taxes, seem to pass for nothing. We are told of the generosity of defending the court of Naples; we are told of these fine acts of genero sity on the parts of our government; but, to hear these writers, one would imagine, that they gave the money out of their own pockets. The fact is, however, that the people of England pay, in subsidy, to the Court of Sicily, 400,000l. a year, and have done this for several years last past. Four hundred thousand pounds a year, while there are twelve hundred thousand paupers in England and Wales; while the taxes are so heavy as to be paid with the greatest difficulty; and while it is notorious that this subsidy causes an issue of bank notes that adds very greatly to the depreciation of the paper money.-This is a matter that never seems to enter into the heads of any of those who inveigh against the conduct of the Court of Sicily. These writers make no scruple to assert that that court are our enemies; but, such is their contempt of the people of England, that they do not seem to think it at all necessary to say a word in the way of excuse for those, who give nearly half a million a year of our money to our enemies; and that, too, if what these writers now say be true, long after it was well known that they were our enemies. But, the fact is, that this set of politicians, the whole set of them, despise the people of England more than they do any other of God's creatures.

-Upon reading the above passages, | September: "We think, though, as we in which the oppression of the Sicilian troops "have before stated, our means of judging is spoken of, one cannot scarcely forbear "are very scanty, that it would not be an laughing outright. We are not told indeed" impolitic scheme to land the King and

"Queen of the two Sicilies on the conti"nental part of their Majesties' dominions,

vious, that as we were called to Sicily to "protect that island from the French, we must "unite with that party which is most likely "to be sincere in acting with us for the "attainment of so desirable an object. "Our view is the independence of Sicily, "and has only relation to the external "politics of the country. With the inter

in what manner they are oppressed; we are not told precisely what sort of punishment is inflicted upon them; whether any of" in order that they, and particularly the them have pins thrusted up under their "latter of them, might head the partizans nails when suspected of shamming illness. "which they possess there, and rescue NaIt would have been, worth while, I think, "ples from the grasp of Murat. A Regency just to give us a specimen or two of their "could govern the island in their abtreatment; but this, I suppose, was avoided "sence. -When the queen of Sicily from pure delicacy;" from a kind wish reads this, as I dare say she will, I wonder to spare our tender feelings. Thank you, whether she will look back to 1799, when gentle souls; but, another time, do not she and Lady Hamilton and her husband suffer your tenderness to get the better of and Lord Nelson were at Naples and in the truth. Let us have the picture full before Bay! I wonder whether she will recollect us, tell us plainly what it is that they do ELEONORA FONSECA !-In justifito the Sicilian soldiers.The idea of cation of this measure, which is nothing short arming the Sicilian people against their go- of a sentence of death against the king and vernment is not less amusing, especially queen of Naples, the same print,of the 30th of when we recollect that one of the princi- September, offers the following arguments: pal grounds of the Anti-jacobin war, was, "Thus much is very clear, that if one party that the French Convention invited any "is for the French, the other must be against people who were oppressed to rise against them; and the inference is no less obtheir government. These are precious avowals, and really one would almost think that the object was to show to the whole world, that the French Convention was right in all they did as to foreign governments.. -But, of all the notions incul⚫cated in these writings, the most amusing certainly is that of compelling the government to give up its army into our hands," nal ones, we have neither the right nor to put all the forts and military posts into our possession, and to make us masters of a part, at least, of the revenue; and all this for what? Why, for the purpose of preserving the INDEPENDENCE of the country! Oh, impudence unparalleled! And yet these same men affect to laugh at the idea of Denmark and Prussia and Saxony being independent; and they scruple not to abuse Napoleon, to call him upstart Despot and remorseless Tyrant, be-" cause he is supposed to dictate to these states a system of commercial laws, a fact of which there is little doubt, but of which they have no proof. They call him treacherous because he has entered Spain with an army and is endeavouring to subdue it; and, in almost the same breath, they openly recommend the seizure of Sicily by our army, who, be it observed, entered Sicily" and acting as an independent State. This as allies, and have remained there under the sanction of a treaty. One of our venal prints (the most venal of all), the TIMES, recommends the sending of the king and queen of Sicily to Naples. These are the words, used by that print on the 28th of

"the wish to interfere; except they, "themselves, are perversely thrown across "our path, and then they must be cleared out "of the way. If the Court and people fight "with each other, so let them; it is not "our concern, provided we have placed in "our hands the means of securing our own

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sufity, and repelling the common enemy. "But if either Court or people think of calling in the French to aid their party politics, the faction that does that immediately becomes French to us, and must be "rooted out, not for our advantage merely, "but for the preservation of the island. We "seek to impose no new King on it, as Buonaparte does: we seek to levy no tyranni"cal conscription: we are only struggling "to let it have the power, SO DEAR TO "HUMANITY, of directing its own affairs,

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power we must assist it in retaining as "long as it can; and, at all events, we

must take care, that if it is relinquished, "it may not be put into the hands of our "enemies." -So dear to humanity! Oh, detestable hypocrite! And you want, do

a

provinces under the command of our own officers? Does the reader suppose, that a seizure of Sicily, and, of course, virtual dethronement of the king, would tend to diminish the apprehensions of those Spaniards? Say, that we stop short of this, and content ourselves with the "moderate and reasonable" demands, suggested by Captain Pasley and approv ed of by the venal English prints; namely, with a surrender of the Sicilian army and a part of the revenues into our hands; say, that we content ourselves with these "moderate and reasonable" terms, is it likely, that the confidence of the Spaniards will thereby be completely restored?

-Well; but shall we be able to keep Sicily, to "preserve its independence;” shall we, even if we seize the island, be able to accomplish this amiable and disinterested purpose for any length of time? Shall we be able to beat the Sicilian army and arm the peasantry against the govern

you, to assume the command of the Sici- | lian army and to appropriate the revenues of the country, in order to enable Sicily to direct its own affairs! You would not do as Buonaparté does, eh? No, you would send the king and queen of Sicily to Napies there to be torn in atoms, while he gives the Bourbons of Spain a princely establishment in France. You would set up no new king, not you indeed: you would only just take the country for yourself. Your object is to secure the independence of Sicily, and to secure that object you only want to have the army, the forts and the revenue in your hands, and to "root out" all those who would oppose this "moderate" wish. You say, that those who wish to call in the French become French to you; but you will not give the world proof, or something like proof of such a wish?" If the Court think "of calling in the French;" but, how are you to know their thoughts; and, was there ever before heard of such intolerable tyranny as that of proceeding to punishment and, at the same time, defend the people for presumed thoughts? This charge of wishing in favour of the French is a sweeping one. There is no case that it will not suit; no object that it will not reach. We here see nothing but hypothesis; nothing but suspicion thrown out: one party are for the French; if either court or people think of calling in the French. So that, whether it be the presumed wish of the one or the other, we are thereon to found a right of "rooting that party out." This, if it produce no effect upon the people of England, will not fail to produce effect in other parts of the world. Before I dismiss this subject, I cannot refrain from saying a few words upon the proposition that these writers make of seizing upon the island of Sicily, for our own use.- -The rabble of politi-wards us, and a call for vigorous measures. cians, whether in high or low life, are always eager for new acquisitions of territory, very seldom reflecting whether they are likely to produce good or evil, and they are sure to have on their side all that numerous tribe, who are continually gaping for the taxes, and to give them a chance of getting at which every new acquisition of territory is admirably calculated.But, if this seizing proposition were to be adopted, what effect does the reader imagine it would have upon the minds of the Spaniards, some of whom have already been charged with the crime of having apprehensions upon the score of our sending reinforcements to Cadiz, and of our having a design to place their troops and their

island against the French; shall we be
able thus to "preserve the independence"
of Sicily without an army of fifty or sixty
thousand men and an annual expenditure
of ten millions in Bank Notes? Do these
projectors think of these things? No, they
think of nothing but what they suppose
will be pleasing to those whose very,
wishes they vie with each other in anti-
cipating.Upon this subject the Morn-
ing Chronicle, which is supposed to speak
the sentiments of the OUTS, holds a
strange language. It is always blaming
the ministers for want of VIGOUR in
their transactions with Sicily.
word about justice or consistency; not a
word in favour of the people of Sicily; but
hints at the misconduct of the Court to-

Not a

The venal prints, fighting under the flag
of Captain Pasley, have acted a more can-
did part; they have told us what they
mean by vigorous measures. They would
demand the Sicilian army and part of the
revenues to be given up to us, and, if this
"moderate and reasonable" demand was
refused, they would "root out" the retus-
ing party, and, if the Court were that'
party, they would toss them down upon
the strand of the Bay of Naples, where
they would have as good a chance as if
tossed into a tyger's den amongst a dam
and her young ones. This, at any rate,
is frank: it is speaking out:
we know
what the parties mean; whereas the
Morning Chronicle keeps dinuing in our

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ears nothing but a sort of mysterions call | seems never to have occurred to any of these for vigour.This is, however, the ge- complainants of a want of vigour, that it neral tone of the OUTS, who, upon all oc- was possible, that some of the fallen gocasions, find fault of the ministers for their vernments might have been too vigorous want of rigour; which, being fairly inter- before they were attacked by the French; preted, means, that they would, if they that, when the French came, they found were in place, do the same acts that the their vigour all exhausted. It seems never ministers do, but that they would do them to have occurred to them, that there were in a more vigorous manner. We never hear any means, other than those of force and them complain of the injustice of any of the punishment, by which the fallen governacts of their rivais; never of any waste of ments might have convinced their subjects the public money; never of any encroach- of the utility of resisting the French arment on the liberties of the people. All mies. No such thought seems ever to that they complain of is, a wunt of vigour. have occurred to them. They can see Let them look at the acts of our govern- clearly enough all the tyranny of Buoment for the last twenty years; let them naparte's system. They can rail against look into the Statute Book for that period, him in a most manly strain. The Couand they will, I think, see no marks of a rier of the 3rd instant, in speaking of his want of vigour. We have heard much present tour through his maritime domitalk about a vigour beyond the law; but, nions and of his rigorous measures as to really, those laws are of themselves suffi- commerce, says: "There is one consociently rigorous.— -To hear these eternal “lation arising out of this increase of secomplaints of a want of vigour, who would "verity, that as it punishes his own subnot suppose, that our government had, for "jects most, it renders him more and more a long while, neglected the use of its" odious, and may accelerate his downfall. powers, and had been so very lenient and "Intoxicated by power, he appears alindulgent as to have suffered the people" ways to forget that tyranny has its limits; to run riot with ease, riches, and licenti." that there is period beyond which the ousness! Ah! these complaints of a want oppressor cannot oppress, and the oppressed of vigour in their rivals ought to make us "will not endure. He flatters himself percautious how we give any encouragement haps that his authority is now perfectto the OUTS.This charge of a want ly consolidated, and his despotism seof vigour has been set up against all the "cure. Just so do ALL TYRANTS; old governments that have fallen before " Caligula never thought himself so safe the republicans of France. "Louis XVI." and firm as on the very day he was dis"was a weak-minded man; he was too le-" patched."--Very good; but let the "nient; he yielded too much to his peo- observations be general. Let them apply "ple." And the same charge has gone to all tyrants in every part of the world, round. All the fallen kings" wanted and of every sort, whether open and bold " vigour,” according to the Anti-jacobin in their tyranny; or whether their tynotions. They were pretty vigorous, how-ranny be marked by the basest hypocrisy ever, you will find, if you examine the acts of their days of power. There was no want of vigour in France, while the lettres de cachet and the Bastile were in Vogue. The kings of Prussia were very vigorous men; and so were and are the Czars of Muscovy. Even the Stadtholder gave unquestionable proofs of vigour when he called in the Prussian army, commanded by the Duke of Brunswick, to put down the Dutch Patriots. And, though last not least, our august allies, the Court of Sicily, were not wanting in vigour when they were upon the continent. In short, they have all been quite vigorous enough, except as against the French armies, in which case they have, indeed, shown a lamentable deficiency in this seemingly prime quality of regular government.

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and by all the malice of cowardice; let not these just observations remain unapplied to the shamming, cheating, smiling, cutthroat-tyranny, which merits as great, and a much greater, degree of hatred, than a tyranny without disguise, for the latter is, in reality, much less cruel than the former.--To return, for a moment, to the subject of Sicily, I beg the reader not to believe, that I feel any partiality for the king or queen of that country; I beg him to believe, that I am, at best, indifferent as to what our government may do respecting them. My concern is for the people of Sicily and the people of England, the latter of whom have long been paying enormous sums of money for the purpose of maintaining over the former that very government which we are, by

our venal writers, now told is an intolerable tyranny, and which these writers openly purpose to "root out."--What we shall next hear of from Sicily no man can guess. It is quite impossible to conjecture how the thing may go on; but of this we may be well assured, that, in the end, the cause of freedom will be benefited even by the intrigues and cabals in the Island of Sicily.

considerable force raised against her in South America. What, then, can she be expected to do in her present state? The war of Napoleon in the Peninsula will, then, in all probability, give freedom to South America; and we see, that it has already drawn from the rulers of Spain (his rivals) an abolition of the odious feudal tyrannies, and a declaration that Spain is not the patrimony of any family. Whatever, therefore, may have been his SPAIN AND HER COLONIES! But, intentions, which, indeed, appear to have here, reader, is a scene opening upon us! been merely those of a conqueror, the A declaration of independence on the shores war which he has waged and is waging of the gulph of Mexico! And, at almost the in Spain may be safely said to have prosame moment, the Cortes of Spain declar-duced great good to mankind. Our reing, that " Spain is not the patrimony of sistance of him (without entering into our any family!" The work of revolution motives) has also been of use in the same has but just made a serious beginning. The way. Between us we have given the Anti-jacobins may sharpen up their pens South Americans time and opportunity anew; for they will have a sufficiency of to break their bonds; and, let us hope employment. But, I imagine, they will for a similar result in Old Spain; a not agam be able to persuade the people hope which must, I think, be uppermost of England out of voluntary loans and in the heart of every man who is not the contributions in order to preserve to them- enemy of his species. I am aware, howselves "the blessed comforts of religion," ever, how the souls of the Anti-jacobins and to keep "the gloomy despair of atheism" suffer under the apprehension of seeing out of their families. No, no: this will Spain and South America exhibit examnot do again. If it were to succeed, it ples of freedom. I think I see them now would be quite useless; for, with all the scowling over the "RIGHTS OF MAN," power we possess, we should not be able to promulgated from the borders of the prevent revolutions in a world that is re- Mexican Gulph. In vain do they look solved upon revolution.I have not round them for the means of forming anoroom here to enter into any particular ob- ther crusade against republicans and leservations upon the great public acts vellers. The heroes of Pilnitz are no above-mentioned; but, I cannot help re- where now to be found. All the Antimarking, that the moment we hear, that a jacobins can do is to sit and curse the voice part of the Spanish Colonies have de- of freedom that is, in every direction, clared themselves independent and have forcing its way through the shattered and promulgated the principles of freedom, at shaking fabric of tyrannical power, and that very moment we hear of Commis- calling upon the slave to throw off his sioners appointed by our government to chains, whether fastened on him by mediate between them and Old Spain! rude force, or, by slow and unseen deWe must have, as the old saying is, "a grees, drawn round him by the hands of "finger in the pye." Why could we not hypocrisy and fraud. have let these people alone? What need had we to proffer our mediation? And, what can that mediation mean, unless it be to bring the Colonists back to their former state? Vain pursuit! Never will they again acknowledge subjection to Spain; and if the rulers of Spain (be they who they may) are wise, they will at once acquiesce in the separation; and cultivate" an intercourse with the new state, or states, as fast as freedom shall spread itself over those fair but long-degraded regions. Spain, supposing her to be undivided at home and without an enemy in Europe, has not the power to subdue any

COL. M MAHON.- A gentleman, upon whose word I can rely, requests me to state, in correction of an error in my last, that Col. M'Mahon " has been out of the " army for the last sixteen years; that, as to "his services, he shared fully with the other "British Officers, as a Subaltern in the 44th Regiment throughout the seven year's campaign in America, at the head of "which fell General Agnew and Major " Hope, and afterwards as a Captain under "the command of Lord Moira; and that "his conduct was universally such as be"came an officer and a gentleman."

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