Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

results from these accounts, that the ser- tifully supplied; it pays to the day all vices of 1800, 7, 8, and 9, have been paid, demands upon it; nor does it require the or that there are sufficient funds to dis. assistance of intermediary credit to facili. charge all their expences.

tate the receipts. The bills accepted (in The service of 1810 is finished. The advance) by the receivers of conuibutions, Ministers have presented, each for his own which at the beginning of my Ministry departme it, a statement of the actual ex were so low as four per cent, discount per pences. These expences are cousiderable, month, aronot even to be seen now in ihe and the war of the Peninsula is, in part, money-market, and movied people would the cause thereof': nevertheless, the state of be glad to discount them at the rate of the Finances is such, that'no part of the four per cent. a year; but the Treasury * reserve-fund will be necessary io complete receives direct!y ihe amount of those bills the discharge of that service; but we are in proportion as they become due; and still too near 1810, for me to think my. its leading system is now to receive and to sell justified in proposing 'o your M jesty pay every where, at the least possible ex. to appropriate that reserve-fund to the ex- pence, and with the least possible carriage pences of 1811: it may happen that the of coin. In so vast an empire, this is in result of the definitive liquidations may itself a grand and an imporiant task to somewhat exceed the latest calculations fulfil.-Should your Majesty turn your presented by the ministers, and I there attention to agriculture, that source of all fore think it proper 10 postpone this pro- wealth, you will find it in the most flou. posal till next year.--The expences of rishing state ; and interior commerce has 1811 are more considerable stilliban those all the activity which it can be supposed of 1810. The increase results, in part, to acquire from the multifarious wants of from the extraordinary ariaments which a population consisting of forty millions your Majesty ordered during the first of souls.-- It is thus that the revenues of quarter of this year: nevertheless, the the State have been gradually increasing, total of the resources of 1811, after having and have been kept up in such a way as provided for the extraordinary expences to allow your Majesty to carry on at the of the first quarter, and satisfied all the same time the military operations neces. demands of the ministers, formed upon sary for the consolidation of the empire, the expenditure of the first six months, and the works of utility and of ornament leaves still a reserve fund of 22 millions. which are now in progression every where, I am, however, induced to think, that this both in the interior of the einpire and in fund will be necessary to pay all the ex the sea.ports.

In the year 1803, about pences of the current service. Thus, all | 100 millions were expended for the ordithe years previous to 1817 are completely nary repair of roads ; for the making of provided for, and the resources of the cur new ones; for the construction of new rent year amount to more than 950 millions bridges; for the necessary repairs of old of real money, which place the treasury in ones; for draining; for navigation; for a state to meet every demand.--I am noi canals; for bringing the waters of the afraid to say it, --history docs not present a Ourcq to Paris ; for works of utility and period when the finances of a great empire of ornament in the departments, and in were in so prosperous a state; it cannot be the capital; for land and sea fortifications; equalled but in a country whose wealth is for ports, &c.—One hundred and ten mil. founded on the fertility of its soil, and on the lions have been laid out on works of the great number of its inhabitants. In such a same nature in the year 1809; one huncountry there is no uncertainty as to the dred and thirty-eight millions in 1810;. produce of the public revenue, since con and they will require one hundred fifty-. tributions are assessed in suitable propor- five millions for 1811. This makes on tions between the land holders and the the whole a sum of upwards of five hunconsumers. The payment of taxes on dred millions appropriated, in the course property, and of duties on commodities, is of four years, to works, the greater part equally secured by the constant produce of which were not actually wanjing; but of the land, and by the habitual wants of this arises from that provident spirit which an immense population. Your Majesty's forms one of the principal characteristics treasury is, in consequence, always plen- of your Majesty's Government.

(To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent - Garden :--Sold also by J. BUDD, Pail-Mall,

LONDON :Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Flect-street,

VOL. XX. No. 9.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 31, 1811.

[Price 15.

237)

(258 TO THE PRINCE REGENT: our internal affairs, and which no man, ON THE DISPUTE WITH THE AMERICAN States.

who really loves the country, can con

template without the most serious appreSIR,

hensions. Feeling, as the people of this kingdom do so severely, smarting, writhing, as we Such being the consequences of that are, under the effects of the war with war, or, rather, a part of these conseFrance, and considering how easily this war quences, the far, greater proportion of might, in 1793, have been avoided without them being, in all probability, yet to either danger or dishonour to England; come, it behoves those who have power to thus feeling and thus reflecting, it is na act to consider well, before they launch the tural for us, when threatened with a new country into a new war ; and it is the war, to inquire betimes, what are the right of every man to express, in the way grounds of such war; whether it would be which he may think most likely to be just; if just, whether it would be necessary; efficient, bis opinions upon the subject. and, be the cause what it may, whether This right I am now about to exercise, the consequences are likely to be good or and if I bave chosen, as the vehicle, an evil.

address to your Royal Highness, it is be

cause that respect, which inclination as If, Sir, the counsels of Mr. Fox had well as duty dictate upon such an occabeen listened to, in the years 1792 and sion, will 'not fail to make me dismiss 1793, the state of England, of Europe, from my mind all partiality and prejudice, and of the world, would have been very and to offer nothing unsupported by fair different indeed from what it now is. A reasoning and undeniable facts. war against opinions and principles would not have been waged ; England, instead As to the grounds of the present dispute of becoming a party in that fatal and disc with the American States, they are some graceful war, would have been a media of them of very long standing. The contress between the conflicting parties, if, duct of this government relative to the indeed, she had not wholly prevented the war against those States was extremely conflict. So many governments would unwise ; but, its conduct since the war is, not have been overthrown ; such rivers I am convinced, unparalleled in the annals of human blood would not have been shed; of diplomatic folly. The moment that reformation might and would have been war was at an end, the people of the two produced, because the state of things and countries, attached to each other by all the the temper of men's minds demanded it; lies which imperious nature has provided, but no where need there have been des were ready to rush into a mutual embrace, struction ; all the states of Europe might and like children of the same common have remained on their old foundations, parent, whose barmony had been disand the Bourbons might at this day have. | iurbed by a transient quarrel, to become been upon the Thrones of France and even more affectionate towards each other Spain. . This kingdom, too, might and thau they had been before. Not so the must bave shared in the reformation; but, governments. With them ambition and resuch reformation would have made no sentment had something to say. But, the inroads upon rank or property ;

and American Government being, from the the nation would have avoided all those nature of its constitution, a thing of such measures of coercion, all those before transient possession, it would have been uuheard-of laws to which the contest gave impossible for any set of men long to rise; and those enormous expences, which, remain in power if they had been disfirst producing Debt and tenfold Taxa covered to entertain a vindictive dispotion, led by degrees to that pauperism and sition towards England ; that is to say, if paper-money, which now. form the two the government of England bad discogreat and hideous features in the state of vered no such disposition towards Amer

K

rica. Unhappily such a disposition was | it, which effectually loole all merit frorn but too plainly seen in the whole of the the thing. conduct of our government; and hence we have witnessed, from the end of the This point was hardly patched up, when American war to this day, a dispute and another subject of dispute arose : to that an angry dispute too, upon some ground another and another and another have sucer other, constantly existing and in agi.ceeded, the long contested question relative tation between the two countries, to the to the impressment of American Scumen rungreat injury of them both, to the great in- ning through the whole. So that, at last, jury of the cause of freedom, and to the there has grown together a mass of disputes great advantage of France as a nation, and land of ill-blood, which threatens us with a to the cause of despotic sway all over the new war, and which war threaten us with world. The war was at an end, but the new burdens, and, still worse, which guarrel seemed only to have begun: a threaten the world with the extinguishseven years war, and an already eight and ment of some part, at least, of its remaintwenty years of quarrel !

ing liberties. The points, however, more

immediately at issue, are those relating It was full ten years before we conde- | to the present non-importation law and the scended to send a Minister to reside in affair between the American Frigate, PresiAmerica, and when we did it, the object dent, and our sloop of war, the Little Bell. seemed to be only to recall, or to render As to the former points in dispute the more active, ancient animosities. A mi-Americans were the complainants: they serable dispute about old claims for debts called for satisfaction, and, whether they due to English subjects on one side, and ought to have obtained it or not, it is cerabout negroes carried off at the peace on tain that they have not yet obtained it. the other side, clouded and made gloomy Upon these two recent points, therefore, the dawn of this new diplomatic inter as being thought likely to lead to war, course. This dispute was kept alive 'till and as being so represented by those pubnew claims for vessels unlawfully confis lic prints which are known to be under cated arose on the part of the American the influence of persons in power, I shall Government. The treaty of 1794, which now proceed most respectfully to offer to provided for Commissioners to settle these your Royal Highness such remarks as the claims would, it was hoped, produce bar- occasion appears to me to demand. mony ; but it is well known that it only widened the breach. At last, however, The Non-importation Act, that is to say, we patched up this matter : we yielded, the law which has been passed in Arnerica but it was without magnanimity: we gave to prohibit the importation of any thing our money, the nation was taxed to make being the growth or manufacture of Great up for the blunders of the cabinet; but Britain or Treland, and which law is now we gave without the credit of generosity. in force in America, must doubtless te In the meanwhile, the English creditors regarded as a measure of a hostile, though have remained, many of them until this not of a warlike pature, because the same day, unsatisfied, while a Board of Com-law does not apply to the enemy with missioners, who have been siiting either whom we are at war; and, besides this here or in America ever since the year commercial prohibition, our ships of war 1794, or, at least, have been paid all that are shut out from the harbours, rivers, and time, have swallowed up in expences to waters of the United States, while our the nation, a great part of what would enemy's ships of war are permitted freely have sufficed to satisfy

own claimants to enter and abide in them. These are without any application for money for distinctions of an unfriendly nature : they that purpose to the American States. In are, indeed, measures of hostility; but, the course of this part of the dispute there then, I beg your Royal Highness to bear was much unfairness on the part of the in mind, that they are açıs of a much American Government ; and we might Inwer degree of hustility than were the acts have been fully justified, strictly speak of your Royal Father's ministers against ing, in coming to a rupture upon that France in the year 1792, though they, to ground. But, we came to neither a rup- this hour, contend, that that war was a ture for a reconciliation : we asserted our war of aggression on the part of France; claims and then gave them up; but we and, of course, their own doctrine, if now took care lo choose that manner of doing cited against this country, would be quite

sufficient on the part of America. But, , openly violated all the world knows. Your the fact is, that the non-importation act Royal Highness need not be reminded of . and the exclusion of British ships from the dispute, so long continued, relative to the waters of America, while importation the right of seurch ; that is to say, a right, is permitted from France and while French on the part of a belligerent to search merships have free entrance and abidance in chant neutral ships at sea, in order to asthe waters of the United States, are acts certain whether they had on board contraof a hostile nature, and would, if unjusti- band goods of war, or goods belonging to an fied by provocation, fully authorize, on enemy. It was contended by those who our part, acis of reprisal and of war. denied the right of search, that no belli

gerent had a right to search a neutral at But, Sir, these measures on the part of sea in any case; and, that, if this point . America bave not been adopted without was given up, the goods of an enemy in a alledged provocation and without loud neutral ship ought not to be seized, for and reiterated remonstrances. They have, that the neutrality of the ship protected in fact, arisen out of certain measures the goods. To this doctrine English adopted by us, and which measures are writers and statesmen have never suballedged to be in violation of the rights of scribed; they josisted, that we had a right America as a neutral nation, and, there to search neutral ships upon the high seas, fore, before we can justify a war in con- and, if we found contraband articles or sequence of the hostile measures of Ame- enemy's goods on board of them, to seize rica, we must ascertain whether her alle them, and, in some cases, to make ship as gations against us be true; for, if they well as cargo lawful prize. But, no statesbe, we may find, perhaps, that she is not man, no lawyer, no writer ever pretended, only not blamable for wbat she has now that we had a right to seize in a neutral done, but is entitled to praise for her for- ship the goods of a neutral party. No one bearance and moderation.

ever dreamt of setting up a right like this,

which, in fact, is neither more nor less That we have violated the rights of than making war upon the neutrals; beAmerica as a neutral State, there can be cause we do to them the very worst that no doubt. The fact is not denied; nor is we can do, short of wanton cruelty, of it pretended, that the violation would not, which the laws and usages of war do not in itself, be sufficient to justify any degree allow. of hostility on the part of the offended state. Indeed, to dispute these facts In justification of the adoption of these would be to shew a total disregard of our measures towards America, our go. truth; for, we have published, and, as farvernment asserted, that France had begun as in us lies, we have carried, and still the violation of the neutral rights of Amecarry into execution, an interdict against rica, and that our measures were in the all trade on the part of America, ercepl such way of retaliation, and ihat the laws of war as we choose to licence. We have said to allowed of retaliation. It is a singular her, that she shall not carry the produce species of law, which, because a weak naof her soil and exchange it for the pro- tion has been injured by one powerful naduce of the soil of France, Italy, or tion, subjects it to be injured by another. Holland. If we meet with one of her If Belcher were to beat Mr. Perceval and ships laden with the flour of Pennsylvania Lord Liverpool in the street, Crib would and owned by a Pennsylvanian merchant, not, for that reason, be justified in beating bound to any port of the French Empire, them too: this would, I presume, be we compel such ship to come into some deemed a new and most outrageous speone of our ports, and there to unlade and cies of retaliation; and there is little doubt dispose of her cargo, or else, to pay duty that the belligerent pugilists would soon upon it, before we permit her to proceed be sent to a place where they would have on her voyage.

In short, we have issued leisure to study the laws of war. But, it aod acted upon such edicis as establish an is alleged by our government, that the absolute controul and sovereigoty over the Americans submitted to the Decrees of Na: ships of America, and all that part of the poleon; that they acquiesced in bis violapopulation and property of America that iion of their rights; and that it was just in are employed in maritime commerce. us to treat them in the same manner that

he had treated them, because they had so That the rights of America are herein submitted and acquiesced. The same rea

[ocr errors][ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

son would apply equally well in justifica- king of Prussia and the Elector of Hantion of the above supposed retaliatory over. The king of Prussia is closely conmeasures of Crib, who alşo might, with nected by marriage with your Royal just as much truth, accuse Mr. Perceval Highness's illustrious family: it is not and Lord Liverpool of submission and ac therefore for me to dare to presume that quiescence with regard to Belcher; for he should have been capable of any thing they could not avoid submission and ac unbecoming his high rank; but this i quiescence to superior force ; they might inay venture to say, that, whatever his cry out, indeed, and, they would cry out; conduct might be, there could be no jusand so did the Americans, who, from the tice in making the people, or any portion first day to the last of the existence of the of the people, of America suffer for that French Decrees, ceased not to remonstrate conduci. Indeed, Sir, it appears to me, against them, and that, too, in the strongest that to involve, in any way wbatever, terms; and, therefore, there appears not England in this dispute about Hanover was to have been the slightest ground, whereon not very closely conformable to that great to build a justification of our measures as constitutional Act by which your Royal measures of retaliation.

Highness's family was raised 10 the throne

of this kingdom, and which Act expressly But, Sir, if our measures were not justi- declares, that, in case of the family of fiable upon the supposition that this viola- Brunswick succeeding to the Throne, no tion of neutral rights was begun by the war shall be undertaken by England for enemy, surely they must be declared to their German dominions, unless by consent be wholly without justification, if it ap- of Parliament. If the measure of blockade pear, that we ourselves were the beginners in above-mentioned had produced war on the this career of violation of the rights of part of America, that war would bare America as a neutral state ; and that this been made without consent of Parliament; is the fact is clearly proved by the docu- and, though a measure fall short of proments, which have long ago been laid be. ducing war, it may be equally a violation fore the public, but which I beg leave to of the Act of Settlement, if its natural call to the recollection of your Royal | tendency be to produce war, or to cause Highness.

England to support warlike expences,

which this measure manifestiy has done, This rivalship in the violation of neutral and has, at fast, led to something very rights began in a declaration on our part, nearly approaching to open war with made to America through her Minister America, though, in the mean while, here, that she was to consider the en- Hanover itself has been wrested from the trances of the Ems, the Weser, the Elbe king of Prussia and formed into a member and the Trave as in a state of rigorous of another kingdom. blockade, though it was notoriously impossible for us to maintain such blockade Thus, then, at any rate, this attack upon by actual forces. The grounds for this the rights of neutrals did not begin with measure were stated to be, that the King France. If it was not begun by us, it was of Prussin (and not France) bad forcibly begun by the king of Prussia, though it is and hostily taken possession of various not very easy to perceive how he could parts of the Electorate of Hanover and other violate the maritimne rights of America by dominions belonging to his Majesty; and any act of his in the heart of Germany. The had shut English ships out of the Prussian Decrees of France have grown out of our ports. This might be a very good reason measures. They carry in themselves the for shutting the Ems, the Weser, the Elbe proof of this. The first (for there are and the Trave against Prussian ships; but, but two), issued from Berlin, was exsurely it gave us no right to shut them pressly grounded upon our Orders issued against the ships of America, whose go in consequence of the conduct of the king vernment had had nothing to do with the of Prussia in Hanover; and thus the Emking of Prussia's hostile seizure upon the peror Napoleon became, towards us, the Electorate of Hanover ; who had neither avenger, as far as he was able, of that very aided him, abetted him, nor encouraged king of Prussia, whom he had just driven him in any manner whatever; and, it was from his dominions ! Alas, Sir, what a very hard that the people of America scene was here exhibited to the people should be made to suffer from ihe result of of Europe ! First the king of Prussia, a dispute, be it what it might, between the closely related to the family of the king of

« ZurückWeiter »