18 us. Care at the same time ought to be taken that the necessary supplies be committed to men on whose principles and affection to our great cause, as well as capacity for such a service, we may safely depend. The support of the public faith stands in close connection with this measure of defence, and indeed is absolutely necessary to it, and to the whole interest and honor of the State. No expedient should be unexplored-no necessary measure unattempted-no nerve in government or the community unexerted to maintain our credit, and remove all just ground of complaint from the army that protects us, or from those who have, in any instance, relied on the public engagements. What friend to his country would not cheerfully bear his full proportion of the expense necessary for this purpose? And I doubt not you will take all possible care that no more than such a proportion be laid upon any man, or any class of men. This is not only a clear point of justice, from which no government can in any instance recede without injuring and dishonoring itself, but is of particular importance to the interest, peace and good temper, and consequently the safety of the Commonwealth. Doth not this safety also require a stricter attention than I fear has been paid to the methods and purpose of an intercourse with Great Britain; and that more effectual measures may be taken to prevent flags of truce from conveying intelligence, or improper persons, to those who are prosecuting a war against us with great insidiousness as well as cruelty; to cut off a correspondence between our secret enemies at home, and our declared ones abroad; and to restrain prisoners of war from being at large among us without prudent checks, especially in our seaports. In all such cases your vigilance will discern, and your fidelity provide, where it may be needed, a proper guard to the public safety. The present situation of the eastern part of this State, and the protection of our sea-coasts, navigation and commerce, in all which not only the interest of this and the United States, but that of our allies is deeply concerned, are important objects that require particular attention. If we look to the westward, we see recent incursions and ravages of the enemy; so that from every quarter we are loudly called upon to employ the most speedy and strenuous efforts for providing funds that may be depended on, establishing an army sufficient, by the blessing of Heaven, for the complete deliverance of our country; its resources, improved with judgment and spirit, are adequate to such a purpose. Nor can I forbear to observe, that we may enter upon this business immediately, with less expense and greater advantage than in any future time. You are fully sensible, gentlemen, that the separation which the Constitution has made between the legislative and judicial powers, and that just degree of independence it has given to the latter, is one of the surest guards of the persons, property and liberties of the subjects of this Commonwealth, and accordingly you are, I am thoroughly persuaded, heartily disposed to support this independence and the honor and vigor of the supreme judicial department in its whole constitutional extent. Sensible of the importance of Christian piety and virtue to the order and happiness of a State, I cannot but earnestly recommend to you every measure for their support and encouragement, that shall not infringe the rights of conscience, which I rejoice to see established by the Constitution on so broad a basis. And if anything can be further done on the same basis, for the relief of the public teachers of religion and morality,—an order of men greatly useful to their country, and who have particularly suffered in the defence of its rights by the depreciation of our currencyas also for the relief of widows and orphans, many of whom have been distressed in the same, and who are particularly committed by Heaven to the protection of civil rulers, I shall most readily concur with you in every such measure. A due observation of the Lord's Day is not only important to internal religion, but greatly conducive to the order and benefit of civil society. It speaks to the senses of mankind, and, by a solemn cessation from their common affairs, reminds them of a Deity and their accountableness to the great Lord of all. Whatever may be necessary to the support of such an institution, in consistence with a reasonable personal liberty, deserves the attention of civil government. Manners, by which not only the freedom but the very existence of republics are greatly affected, depend much upon the public institutions of religion and the good education of youth. In both these instances our fathers laid wise foundations, for which their posterity have had reason to bless their memory. The public schools and our University at Cambridge, very early founded by them, have been no small support to the cause of liberty, and given no dishonorable distinction to our country. The advantage they are still capable of affording to the present and future generations are unspeakable. I cannot, therefore, omit warmly to commend them to your care and patronage. The laws will now require to be accurately revised, and particularly that which regulates the militia, on which the safety of a Commonwealth naturally rests. This revision you cannot fail to attend to as early as circumstances will allow, which will lead you not only to adapt the laws in the most perfect manner possible to the defence of the State, but also for the suppression of idleness, dissipation, extravagance, and all those vices that are peculiarly inimical to free republics, and for the encouragement of those opposite virtues that are particularly friendly to such a form of government. In such measures as I have now mentioned, and in every other tending to promote the public welfare, you may always depend on my cheerful concurrence with you, and giving every despatch in my power to the public business; and shall, from time to time, seasonably communicate to you such informmation and proposals of business as may be proper to lay before you. May this new government diffuse a new animation through the whole political body. The people expect much from it, perhaps more, in some points, than circumstances will allow it to perform; but, standing as we do upon their choice and affections, and strenuously exerting ourselves, as we ought, for their interest, they may find it happily advanced. May Heaven assist us to sit well, to brighten the auspices of our Constitution, to render it still more loved and admired by the citizens of this Commonwealth, and to recommend it to the whole world, by a wise and impartial, a firm and vigorous administration of it. Boston, Oct. 31st, 1780. JOHN HANCOCK. |