The remaining part of this address consisted of observations on the causes of religious persecution. The first of these he apprehended to be a want of true religion; that is, the authors and promoters of such persecution had little or no religion at heart. The second was a misapprehension of the word religion.- The third was the gross but general mistake, under which people laboured concerning the nature of the Church and Kingdom of Christ. -The fourth lay in this, that men made too many things necessary to be believed to salvation and communion. Upon this he observed, that persecution began with creed-making.- -The fifth was visible in the prejudice of education, and in that bias which tradition gave to those who had never made their religion the religion of their judgment.- A sixth sprang from self-love, and the impatience of men under contradiction. The last was, that holy living had then become no test among men, except against the liver; that is, he who could persuade his conscience to comply with the times, if he were ever so vicious, was protected, if not preferred; while a man of wisdom, or sobriety of life, if a Dissenter, was branded as a fanatic, and a factious and disloyal person.

After this we find him a writer upon a smaller scale. He composed a preface to the works of Samuel Fisher, then printing in folio. Samuel Fisher had been originally a clergyman of the Church of England. He became afterwards a Baptist preacher, Joining at length in society with the Quakers, he was apprehended with others of the same profession on the old score of religion, and died a prisoner on that account in 1665. His object, therefore, in this preface, was to bear his testimony concerning the author, who had thus suffered martyrdom in behalf of what he believed to be the Truth.

At this time the ferment in the nation relative to the Popish plot continued as violent as ever. Men's minds, whether Catholics or Protestants, were still unduly heated. In this situation of things, it happened that writs were issued for summoning a new Parliament. This circumstance, which afforded an opportunity to parties to try their strength, involved the nation în new anxiety, and added to the heat already described. William Penn, therefore, had no sooner finished the above-mentioned preface, than he felt himself called upon to become a writer again. The result of his new labour was a small pamphlet, which he called "England's Great Interest in the Choice of a New Parliament, dedicated to all her Freeholders and Electors.” He proposed in this pamphlet, first, to pursue the discovery and punish.. ment of the Popish plot; to remove and to bring to justice those evil counsellors and corrupt and arbitrary ministers of state who had been so industrious in advising the King to wrong measures, and in alienating his affections from his people; to detect and punish the pensioners of the former Parliament, such a breach of trust on their part being treason against the fundamental constitution of the government; to secure to the nation the execution of its ancient laws by others, among which should be one in favour of

frequent Parliaments, this being the only true check upon arbitrary ministers, and therefore a measure which they always feared, hated, and opposed; and to secure the people from Popery and slavery, and to ease all Protestant Dissenters. He was of opinion that the King ought to be eased of his burthensome debts, in case these terms were complied with. He explained, secondly, to the electors the meaning of the words in the writs then issued. He laid before them their great fundamental rights and privileges, and then gave them his advice as to whom they ought both to choose and to reject. He would have no reputed pensioners, no officers at court, whose employment was at will or pleasure, no indigent, or ambitious, or prodigal, or voluptuous persons elected. He would have the old members returned only according to their former upright way of voting. Sincere Protestants he recommended as essentially necessary, and he hoped they would fix their choice upon men of large and liberal principles, and such as would not rob their other Protestant brethren because they happened to differ from them in the doctrinal parts of the Christian religion.

Soon after the publication of this work the elections began: and here it will be proper to observe, that the Quakers, from particular scruples, do not interfere in matters of this sort either as eagerly or as frequently as other people. Some of them, indeed, do not even use their elective franchise at all. William Penn partook in some degree of the same scruples, and perhaps would have been satisfied with writing the pamphlet just mentioned, had there not been one man in the kingdom about whom he could not be indifferent at this crisis. This was the great Algernon Sidney. He had been acquainted with this distinguished person for some time, and had loved his character. Indeed in this very year he had acted in a case between him and Osgood, Mead, and Roberts. But now that the elections were begun, he could not control the wish he had to do him service in a department where he believed his free spirit and noble talents would be attended with good to his country. Accordingly he went to Guildford, where Colonel Sidney was then a candidate against Dalmahoy, who was one of the Court party. He procured him there several votes among those of his own religious pro. fession. He accompanied him also to the hustings, where he interested himself with others. While in the act of encouraging these, he was stopped by the Recorder, who, in order to make him odious, branded him publicly with the name of Jesuit. The latter, finding this attempt ineffectual, would have tendered him oaths, but that it was shown that it was then illegal so to do. Disappointed, therefore, in all his expectations, the Recorder had no resource left him but that of force, and using this he actually turned him out of court.

Though Colonel Sidney had a majority of voices, Dalmahoy was returned. The plea was, that the Colonel was not a freeman of Guildford. The election being over, William Penn returned to Worminghurst. Ruminating, in his way home, on all the base transactions which had taken place both before

and at the meeting now mentioned, which it is foreign to my purpose to detail, he was of opinion that Colonel Sidney should petition against the return, and therefore the next day wrote him the following letter:

"DEAR FRIEND-I hope you got all well home, as I by God's goodness have done. I reflected, upon the way, of things past at Guildford, and that which occurs to me as reasonable is this, that so soon as the articles or exceptions are digested, show them to Serjeant Maynard, and get his opinion of the matter. Sir Francis Winnington and Wallope have been used on these occasions too. Thou must have counsel before the committee; and to advise first upon the reason of an address or petition with them, in my opinion, is not imprudent, but very fitting. If they say that (the conjuncture considered, thy qualifications and alliance, and his ungratefulness to the house), they believe all may amount to an unfair election, then I offer to wait presently upon the Duke of Buckingham, Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Essex, Lord Halifax, Lord Hollis, Lord Gray, and others, to use their utmost interest in reversing this business. This may be done in five days, and I was not willing to stay till I come, which will be with the first. Remember the non-residents on their side, as Legg and others. I left order with all our interest to bestir themselves, and watch, and transmit an account to thee daily. I bless God, I found all well at-home. I hope the disappointment so strange (a hundred and forty poll-men as we thought last night considered) does not move thee. Thou, as thy friends, had a conscientious regard for England; and to be put aside by such base ways is really a suffering for righteousness. Thou hast embarked thyself with them that seek, and love, and choose the best things; and number is not weight with thee. I hope it is retrievable, for to me it looks not a fair and clear election. Forget not that soldiers were made free three weeks ago in prospect of the choice (and by the way they went, as we may guess, for Dalmahoy's sake), and thyself so often put by, a thing not refused to one of thy condition. Of the Lower House the Lord Cavendish, and especially Lord Russell, Sir Jo. Coventry, Powell, Saychevrill, Williams, Lee, Clergis, Boskowen, Titus, men, some able, some hot (ardent), and fit to be nearly engaged in the knowledge of these things. 'Tis late, I am weary, and hope to see thee quickly. Farewell.

The Parliament had not been seated long, after the election, before it was again dissolved. This, as it gave another opportunity to Algernon Sidney, so it brought fresh anxiety to William Penn on his account. He was grieved to think that such a man in such times should be excluded from the councils of his country. He therefore proposed to him to try Bramber, which was in his own county, and interested himself in paving the way for him to that borough. The following is one of the letters which he wrote him on this subject:

"DEAR FRIEND-I am now at Sir John Fagg's, where I and my relations dined. I have pressed the point with what diligence and force I could; and,

to say true, Sir John Fagg has been a most zealous, and, he believes, a successful friend to thee. But, upon a serious consideration of the matter, it is agreed that thou comest down with all speed, but that thou takest HallLand in thy way, and bringest Sir John Pelham with thee, which he ought less to scruple, because his having no interest can be no objection to his appearing with thee; the commonest civility that can be is all desired. The borough has kindled at thy name, and takes it well. If Sir John Templo may be credited, he assures me it is very likely. He is at work daily. Another, one Parsons, treats to-day, but for thee as well as himself, and mostly makes his men for thee, and perhaps will be persuaded, if you two carry it not, to bequeath his interest to thee, and then Captain Goreing is thy colleague; and this I wish, both to make the thing easier and to prevent offence. Sir John Pelham sent me word, he heard that thy brother Henry Sidney would be proposed to that borough, or already was, and till he was sure of the contrary, it would not be decent for him to appear. Of that thou canst best inform him. That day you come to Bramber Sir John Fagg will meet you both; and that night you may lie at Wiston, and then, when thou pleasest, with us at Worminghurst. Sir John Temple has that opinion of thy good reasons to persuade, as well as quality to influence the electors, that, with what is and will be done, the business will prosper; which, with my true good wishes that it may be so, is all at present from thy true Friend, "WILLIAM PENN.

"Sir John Fagg salutes thee."

It may be proper just to observe, that Algernon Sidney was not chosen at this time, Sir John Pelham having previously made all the interest that was necessary for his (Algernon's) brother Henry, who followed a different line of politics, and who was afterwards Earl of Romney.

The elections having taken place, and the Parliament having at length been returned, William Penn published a book, which he addressed to it, under the title of "One Project for the Good of England; that is, our Civil Union is our Civil Safety." In this book he laid it down, that civil interest, using the word interest in a good sense, was the foundation and end of civil government; and then proceeded to show, that the preservation of that civil interest entire was also the preservation of civil government. insomuch that where the former was not preserved entire, the latter must needs decline. He maintained next, that all English Protestants, whether Conformists or Nonconformists, agreed in this, that they owed allegiance and subjection to the civil government of England alone; whereas the Catholics, owning another temporal power as superior to the government they properly belonged to, made themselves the subjects, not of the government under which they were born, but of the government of the Pope. Hence, whatever restrictions the existing Parliament might think it right to put upon the latter, it was its duty to maintain the civil interest entire, as it related to Churchmen and Dissenters; for, it being to the advantage of loth

that the Pope should have no dominion in England, the Church-Protestant could not injure the Dissenting Protestant without weakening and destroying his own civil interest. Having discoursed largely upon this principle, he proposed as his one project, a certain public Declaration or Test, by which all Protestant Dissenters might be enabled to show that they were not Catholics. This Declaration, which he drew up himself, denied the Pope's right to depose any Sovereign, or absolve the subjects of such Sovereign from their allegiance. It denied him to be Christ's Vicar. It denied a purgatory after death, transubstantiation in the Lord's Supper, and the lawfulness and efficacy of prayers to saints and images. The Declaration was to be made in all the towns and parishes on a certain day. Ash Wednesday was mentioned as not an improper day, because it was on that day that the Pope cursed all Protestants. Every abuse of this Declaration was to be punished. In stating this his project, however, I may observe, that he never spoke of the Catholics so as to call in question their religious rights. His only object was to show that, Churchmen and Protestant Dissenters having the same civil interest in the government of England, the one ought not to oppress the other, and particularly for shades of difference as to their religious faith.

CHAPTER XVI.

A. 1680.-CONTINUES HIS MANAGEMENT OF WEST NEW JERSEY— WRITES A PREFACE TO AN ANONYMOUS PUBLICATION-ALSO TO THE WORKS OF J. PENNINGTON-PETITIONS CHARLES THE SECOND FOR LETTERS PATENT FOR A CERTAIN TRACT OF LAND IN AMERICA IN LIEU OF THE DEBT DUE BY THE GOVERNMENT TO HIS FATHER -HIS MOTIVES FOR SOLICITING THE SAME.

WILLIAM PENN, who in the last year had but little to do for Byllinge with regard to West New Jersey, was called upon in the present to make considerable exertions in his favour. A duty of ten per cent had been laid by the government of New York, and renewed in the year 1669, on all imports and exports at Hoarkill, now Lewis Town, at the mouth of the Delaware Bay. This duty had been exacted of all persons who had arrived and taken up their lands in West New Jersey, to their great grievance; and as these had now greatly increased, it had become considerable in its amount. The settlers therefore, complaining to the trustees of Byllinge, William Penn felt himself called upon to take a part on the occasion. He was aware that, if he succeeded in getting rid of this tax, it would be to the detriment of his friend the Duke of York, and that he might even offend him on this account; but when he considered that his trusteeship involved in it a serious duty, and that the demands in question were unjust, he had no hesitation in pursuing the right path. Accordingly, in conjunction with the other trustees, he made a formal application to the Duke on the subject.