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the period during which the present dis- | cussions had been pending was considered, it certainly did not afford any reason for such a complaint, when it was compared with the time that was occupied with the prosecution either of Mr. Hastings or lord Clive. But even supposing that there had been more delay than was necessary, this was no reason why the house ought to pass a premature and precipitate decision. It might be said, to be sure, that members might have carried the papers to the country with them during the recess, but since parliament met there had been such a press of other business as completely to occupy their time. But even if they were chargeable with remissness, that was no reason why they should now pass a judgment for which they were totally unpre- Sir S. Romilly admitted that justice to pared. In such circumstances, an acquit- the noble marquis required that no unnetal would be no acquittal, and condemna-cessary delay should take place. Justice, tion would be no more than condemnation. | He had made himself so far master of the subject as to have formed an opinion very unfavourable certainly to many parts of the noble marquis's administration, but what he wished was, that some farther delay should be granted to those who had not made themselves masters of the sub-collected, that there were many members ject. He concluded with deprecating a hasty decision upon a question in which the national character was most deeply involved. Were the house, by a vote this evening, to give its sanction to all the flagitious outrages which had been committed in India against the rights of independent princes, in violation of all the principles of justice, honour, and good faith, he was afraid that, in the estimation of the world, this country would stand chargeable with many of those crimes which we had reprobated so much in others, but of which we had in several recent instances, he was afraid, been too successful imita

papers in their present state, would read them after they were arranged, or that they would read the report, which would probably be still more voluminous than the papers?

Sir T. Turton exhorted the house not to hurry a proceeding of such great import ance.

This was not a case in which a private person alone was interested. It affected the rights of a whole people, who had no tribunal but that house to whom to apply for justice. They had no friend but that house, and if it slighted the appeal now made, it forfeited its own character and honour, and the character and honour of the country. At all events, he trusted it was not meant to proceed to the consi-deration of the question to-night.

tors.

Mr. B. Bathurst said, that if the house was unprepared to decide upon the question now, this want of preparation might be a good reason for adjourning the debate to some future day, but it did not appear to him that it furnished ground for instituting a new proceeding. In proposing to appoint a select committee one or two objects must be in view, either that this committee should merely form an index to the papers, or that it should enter into an investigation of the whole affairs of India, and report thereupon to the house. But, in either case, what security had they that at those gentlemen who had not read the VOL. X.

however, could not be done to him, and, what was of still higher importance, to the national character, if the house came to a premature decision. A great deal had been said of the number of parliaments which had passed since the papers were laid on the table; let it, however, be re

in that house who had sat there for not more than seven months, not one of whom, of course, had heard a single word on the subject of these papers, which could enable them to form any idea as to the facts which they were meant to substantiate; and yet they were now called on to give a decision. on evidence of which they did not know the bearing. This was said to be a question personal to the noble marquis, but still it was no less a judicial question, and he had never yet heard of any proceeding by which a fair result of such a question could be obtained, unless those who were to judge of it, were previously acquainted with the facts charged, and the nature of the defence. Was there a man in that house prepared at the present moment to say, that he was ready to come to a right decision on the case? He had, with great inconvenience to himself, gone through a considerable part of these papers, and if obliged to come to his decision this night, he must give it against the noble marquis, though he did not say, that in the mass of evidence before the house, there might not be evidence in the noble marquis's favour of which he was at present ignorant. He was of opinion, that to send the evidence to a committee to return a digested report of it to the house, would be the only means 2Z

of arriving at substantial justice. None, | amendment to be withdrawn, in order to he was convinced, ought to desire tlris so anxiously as the friends of the marquis, and nothing could be more unsatisfactory than a premature decision.

allow the house to decide, whether it would proceed in a house, or refer the case to a committee. When that question should be decided, the proper time for proceeding might be considered; and he was of opinion, that to-morrow would be preferable to to-morrow se'nnight. It was a vacant day, and it was agreed that it was desirable to hear the noble lord's charges stated as soon as possible."

Sir F. Burdett withdrew his amendment for deferring the further proceeding to tomorrow se'nnight.

Sir A. Wellesley said, it was for the house to decide what mode of proceeding would best suit its own convenience and the ends of justice; but, he contended, that it had been always asked, and it was the only thing that was asked, on the part of the noble marquis, that the case should be brought to as speedy a decision, as a regard to justice and fair inquiry would allow. The propriety of this principle Lord Folkestone was ready, for his own had been laid down and enforced by the part, to proceed to-morrow; but he under highest authority on all sides of the house, stood the gentlemen about him preferred and among others, by an hon. gent. now to-morrow se'nnight.-A division was then no more (Mr. Fox), whose opinion would called for, when there appeared, For the weigh very much with the gentlemen on orginal motion, 21. For referring the the other side. He did not suppose that bussiness to a committee 34.-While the every member had read the papers word gallery was shut a conversation took place for word: but he was satisfied there were about the proper time of taking the subvery few who had not read them suffici-ject into consideration again, when it was ently to enable them to give a conscien- agreed to make the order for to-morrow tious vote. All that he asked now, was se'nnight. what he had asked before, as speedy a decision as the house in its sense of justice could admit.

Lord Folkestone, thought the house was sufficiently in possession, at least of the main facts of the case, to come to a decision on the Oude question at once, without going into the general policy of the system of government in India, which he thought belonged more properly to the general consideration of the Finances of India, of which the right hon. gent. opposite (Mr. Dundas) had given notice, or the other general view of that part of the empire to be brought forward by the hon. gent. below him (Mr. Creevey). It was their own fault if any gentlemen were unprepared to come to the decision.

Sir. F. Burdett thought it impossible to decide this night upon the merits of the case, when the minds of gentlemen were not made up as to the proper form of proceeding. He moved as an amendment to the motion, the insertion of the words "to-morrow se'nnight," instead of the word "now."

Lord Folkestone agreed in the impossibility of going into the merits of the case at so late an hour this night. He was ready to agree in the hon. baronet's motion, if the house thought fit.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer allowed, that it was impossible to go into the merits of the case this night. He wished the

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, February 23.

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PETITION FROM OLDHAM RESPECTING PEACE.] Col. Stanley presented a Petition from the inhabitants of Oldham and its neighbourhood, in the county Palatine of Lancaster, setting forth, That the petitioners experience great inconvenience from a considerable depression of their trade, a depression which causes a reduction in the wages of labour unprecedented in the most afflicting times heretofore known, and which renders it difficult for the most industrious and healthy workman to procure for himself and family the bare necessaries of life; that the manufacturer is unable to afford him any lasting relief, for, even with this reduced state of wages, he cannot find a market for his goods that will return him a profit adequate to his expences and risks; that in the train of these distresses follow the increase of the poor rates, the numerous assignments, bankruptcies, and all the various acts whereby the property of others becomes injured and insecure ; that the petitioners are persuaded, that the ultimate cause of most of the evils here complained of is the war in which we are unfortunately engaged, which has been prolonged to an unusual length, and which the powers of the continent alledge we intend to make perpetual,

Jesuits Bark. If he had been in the house at the time he should have resisted the passing of that resolution. He now begged the right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer to inform him when the bill was likely to be introduced; at the same time he thought it right to state, that he should most decidedly oppose a measure which went to carry into effect that most detestable species of warfare.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that the bill would most probably be introduc

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, February 24.

AFRICAN COMPANY'S PETITION.] General Gascoyne presented a Petition from the Committee of the Company of Merchants trading to Africa, setting forth, "That the Petitioners have laid before the

and under that pretext exclude our merchandize from the accustomed marts in their territory; that the petitioners conceive something ought to be done to convince the world that we cherish the idea of perpetual war as little as any other nation, when peace can be had with honour and safety, and that the most effectual way of answering such allegations would be to enter into Negociations for Peace; that the petitioners deprecate the very idea of perpetual war being entertained for a moment by any order of men in this king-ed to-morrow. dom; and they conceive that a protracted one can be attended with no advantage to the interests of this country, as the destiny of Europe seems fixed beyond the power of us to alter; and the petitioners think it incumbent on them to state, that the uncertainty whether the relations of amity could be maintained between our government and that of the united states of America has contributed no little to in-house, an Account of the money granted crease the difficulties of our situation, and, in the event of a rupture between the two countries, in the present confined state of our commerce in Europe, certain ruin will be the consequence to a great number of the petitioners; and therefore praying, that the house will be pleased to present an address to his majesty, advising him to enter into such arrangements for the immediate restoration of Peace, as the urgency of the case seems to require; but the peti-. tioners do not request that the honour and security of the nation should be sacrificed to obtain for them a temporary relief from their sufferings; on the contrary, should our enemies, from any unjustifiable motives, be induced to make demands inconsistent with either, the petitioners will not repine at any privations they may endure till the contest can be brought to an honourable issue; but they have the satisfaction to think there will be few obstacles in the way of peace, from the Declaration of his majesty, that the late negotiations broke off upon points not immediately affecting the interests of his Britannick majesty, but those of his Imperial ally; in humble confidence the petitioners submit the matter to the wisdom of the house, not doubting but the important object of the petition will receive their candid consideration."-Ordered to lie upon the

table.

JESUITS BARK BILL.] Mr. Whitbread observed, that a Resolution had been passed the other night, upon which a Bill was to be founded, to prevent the exportation of

to them for the year 1806, examined and passed by the cursitor baron of the exchequer, as required by an act of the 23d of his late majesty; and that, for the purpose of enabling the petitioners to maintain the British forts and settlements on the said coast, parliament has been pleased, for several years past, to grant the sum of 18,000l. for the support of the said establishments, which sum has been invested for that purpose by the petitioners; and that the petitioners, being sensible of the great regard shewn by the house for the preservation of the British forts and settlements on the coast of Africa, humbly solicit that the house will take the premises into consideration, and grant to the petitioners the like sum of 18,000l. for the maintenance and support of the said forts and settlements for the present year; and the petitioners beg further to submit to the house, that, during the continuance of the Slave Trade, the committee were enabled to procure competent persons, willing to encounter the climate of Africa, at salaries greatly inadequate to the service, by reason of the commercial advantages which they derived from a constant and extensive intercourse with vessels trading in slaves; but this commerce being now abolished, the committee apprehend that their servants, rendered incapable of supporting themselves upon their salaries only, will no longer have sufficient inducements to remain in Africa, unless such addition should be made thereto as may be reasonable and just; and therefore

praying, that the house will be pleased to grant to the petitioners, in addition to the 18,000l. for the maintenance and support of the said forts and settlements for the present year, such further sum as may appear to the house to be sufficient to enable them to augment the salaries of their servants in Africa as before mentioned.”Ordered to lie upon the table.

to sea by the retreat of the blockading force. Though the sailing of the Rochefort squadron would, he hoped, be the means of adding new glory to the triumphs of the British navy, still he was sure that every one who heard him would agree, that if the blockade had been raised from any neglect in supplying the squadron under sir John Duckworth, that neglect was ex

KING'S MESSAGE respecting an ANNU-tremely criminal. ATY TO THE FAMILY OF THE LATE LORD

Mr. Calcraft said, he certainly had received some information which had led him to put the questions he had addressed to the hon. gent. He gave notice that he would on Thursday se'nnight submit a motion, with a view to ascertain the state of the approvisionment of sir R. Strachan's squadron.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no LAKE.] Lord Castlereagh presented a information of the fact alluded to by the Message from his majesty, which was read hon. gent. If the hon. gent. wished for by the Speaker, as follows; any information on the subject, or had re"G. R. His majesty having taken in-ceived any that he conceived it right to to his royal consideration the splendid authenticate, his object would be best anachievements and eminent services per- swered by making a motion, of which he formed by the late general viscount Lake might now give notice. All he could on the continent of Europe, and in the now say, in answer to the argumentative East Indies, and being desirous to confer statements and questions of the hon. gent. some signal mark of his favour upon his was, that he was not aware of any such family, in order to enable them to support fact as that alluded to by the hon. gent. the dignity of the title conferred upon him; and for this purpose to give and grant to his eldest son the present viscount Lake, and to the two next surviving heirs male of the body of the deceased, to whom the title of viscount Lake and baron Lake of Delhi and Laswary, and of Aston Clinton, in the county of Buckingham, shall descend, an annuity of 2000l. per annum, recommends it to his faithful commons to consider of a proper method of enabling his majesty to grant the same, and of extending, securing, and settling such annuity upon the said viscount Lake, and on the two next succeeding heirs on whom the title of viscount Lake and baron Lake of Delhi and Laswary, and of Aston Clinten, in the county of Buckingham, shall descend, in such manner as shall be thought most effectual for the said viscount Lake, and the two next male heirs to the title." -Resolved, That this house will, upon Friday next, resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to take his majesty's said most gracious Message into consideration.

SIR RICHARD STRACHAN'S SQUADRON.] Mr. Calcraft wished to know from his majesty's ministers, how far there was any foundation for the rumours so painful to the public feelings, upon that most important branch of the public service, which were lately in circulation. He alluded to the rumours of sir R. Strachan having been obliged to quit his station off Rochefort, in consequence of being short of provisions, and the concomitant report that the French squadron had been enabled to put

[DISTILLATION FROM SUGAR.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, in consequence of the notice which he had given, to move that a Committee should be appointed to inquire into the best mode of granting relief to those engaged in the West India trade; and in directing the serious attention of the house to a subject which the whole house, he was convinced, would agree with him in thinking worthy of the earliest inquiry, he did not think it necessary to use any arguments to press it upon their notice. Every gentleman, he was persuaded, would be of one opinion as to the propriety of obtaining all the information that could be collected upon the subject,in order that this information might be followed up by the remedy which might appear to be most applicable to the circumstances of those immediately interested in obtaining relief. The first idea that had suggested itself was, extending the internal consumption of the staple article of West India produce, by rendering it applicable to our home Distilleries. The select committee, which had already been appointed to inquire into the causes of the present embarrassments of the planters, had not, it was true, in their report been very favourable to the opinion, that

much relief could be obtained by these |
means, but he was not without hope that
it would be found on farther inquiry, that
a measure might be so framed as materially
to contribute to the object which he had
in view. He thought, therefore, that a
Committee should be again appointed, to
inquire how far it might be proper to pro-
hibit Distillation from any other articles
than sugar and molassess, and whether
such a regulation should be extended to
England, Scotland, and Ireland, or to Eng-
land only. But though this was the first
question to which the committee ought to
direct their inquiries, there were others to
which they might afterwards point their
attention for the accomplishment of the
great object. He concluded with moving
"That a Committee be appointed to in-
quire and report how far, and under what
circumstances, it may be practicable and
expedient to confine the Distilleries of
the united kingdom, or of any part of
the united kingdom, to the use of sugar
and molassess only; and also what other
provision can be made for the relief of the
growers of sugar in the British West India
colonies, and to report the same, with their
observations and opinion thereupon, from
time to time, to the house." The motion
was carried unanimously, and a select
Committee appointed.

of the house, and it was left wholly in the dark, both respecting the grounds upon which the Orders had been issued, and the effects which were likely to result from them. The right hon. chancellor of the exchequer had thought it was sufficient to bring them forward in a Committee of Ways and Means, where it was impossible to institute any discussion, either upon their principle or tendency, and where they could be regularly considered only as a measure of finance. In this committee it was impossible to discuss either their legality or their policy, or the preamble of the bill. In every measure like the present, it had been the constant practice to submit the grounds of the measure to a Committee. In the American Commercial bill this course had been pursued, and likewise in the case of the Bank Restriction bill a secret committee had been appointed to inquire into the general state of its affairs, in short, this had been the uniform practice in matters of great magnitude and importance, connected either with commerce or finance. He disclaimed all intention or wish, by the present motion, to produce any unnecessary delay; but, conceiving the question involved in the Orders in Council to be of vital importance to the prosperity, and even to the existence of the country, it was material, surely, that the house should know what it was about before it decided upon them. He was ready to admit, for the sake of argument, that it was competent for the king's prerogative to have issued the Orders in Council; he would admit, for the sake of argument, that they were justifiable as a measure of retaliation against the enemy; and for the sake of argument, he would admit, though he certainly was of a different opinion, that they were not inconsistent with the common usage of nations; but, what he wished to know was (and upon this point there was no information whatever to enable the house to form any opinion) what was like

COMMITTEE ON TRADE AND NAVIGATION.] Mr. Tierney rose to move that the house should resolve itself into a Committee of the whole house upon the Trade and Navigation of the country, or, if a select committee was thought preferable, he should have no objection that that course should, be followed. The object which he had in view was, that the house should have a full opportunity of discussing the Orders in Council after they were put into a shape and form, in which they were capable of being discussed. At present he did not mean to express either approbation or disapprobation of them. The present was one of the very few instances, in which an administration had brought such a mea-ly to be their effect upon the trade of the sure before parliament without producing any information, or proposing some step by which information could be obtained, calculated to guide the judgment of the legislature upon the measure on which it was called upon to decide. In other in-one branch of trade, but the commerce of stances, ministers had been rather disposed to challenge, than to shrink from a discussion of their acts, but in the present, the papers had merely been recommended in the king's Speech to the consideration

country? In this single point of view, he considered the present as one of the most stupendous questions that ever had been agitated. It involved not a matter of subordinate regulation, not the prosperity of

the whole world, that commerce on which the prosperity and the very existence of England, in its present circumstances, depended. Was it therefore because our present situation was peculiar? Was it

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