would be unlikely great public measures would be in future exposed to misrepresentation, yet they would be open to a sort of high colouring, perhaps not exactly of that kind which it would suit the right hon. gentleman to encounter. On the whole, it was one of the last taxes which the right hon. gentleman ought under any circumstances to have proposed. Sir M. W. Ridley said, he did not object to the tax on newspapers on account of the effect it would have upon the proprietors; but because it would diminish the circulation of information, he should oppose that part of the Resolution. As to the addition of sixpence on advertisements, he did not object to it. He understood the charge for the insertion of advertisements in the London papers was very great, and the delay considerable; for though a laudable practice existed at the offices of inserting advertisements by rotation, yet a practice as much to be reprobated existed, that advertisements were inserted out of their rotation on the payment of an additional sum. At the last general election, when he had had occasion to advertise a circular to the freemen of the town which he represented, resident in London, he had selected four London papers for that purpose, and was surprised to find the expense for the insersion of the advertisement twice in four papers. He was informed, on examining the accounts, that it was the custom to charge twice as much for advertisements at the time of a general election; a rule which did not exist, he believed, with the country papers. It was also remarkable, that there was a difference in these charges. The papers were two evening and two morning papers-the Morning Chronicle, the Morning Post, the Globe, and the Courier; in the Morning Chronicle he was charged 10 guineas, in the Morning Post 12 guineas, in the Globe 12 guineas, and in the Courier 16 guineas. This variety seemed singular to him, and it was not the less singular that those papers who adhered to the principles of the Chancellor of the Exchequer charged most for their advertisements. As the duty bore so small a proportion to the charge on advertisements, he should not oppose it. Sir C. Monck opposed the tax on newspapers, and thought there could not be a time more ill chosen to deny the public information on the state of public events in which they were so deeply interested. The Resolution imposing 3s. 6d. on every advertisement was agreed to; the House resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. HOUSE OF LORDS. SLAVE TRADE.] Lord Grenville rose and said :-My Lords; before the commencement of the important discussion in which your lordships are about to engage, I wish to call the attention of your lordships to a subject in which the honour of this country seems to me to be most deeply concerned. By an article of the Treaty of Vienna, Louis 18 is invited to accede to the Treaty. I do not wish to throw any doubts whatever on the propriety of that article, nor do I mean to advert to any of the other circumstances which must of necessity form a part of any concert between the Allied Powers and that Monarch: but your lordships know that both this and the other House of Parliament, previously to the signature of the Treaty of Peace last year, expressed their wish that the restoration of the French colonies should be accompanied by an engagement on the part of France, imme. diately and totally to abolish the Slavetrade. Such was the wish of Parliament and of the country at that time; and up to this moment all that has been done during the negociations at Vienna and at Paris, whatever that may be, has been done in partial fulfilment of the desire so expressed. Your lordships are also aware, that on the late change of Government in France, the person who is de facto at the head of that Government went beyond the engagements into which France had entered with us on this subject; and, as one of the first acts of his Government, issued a decree for the instant and complete abolition of the Slave-trade. My lords, disapproving, as I do, of the character and of the whole tenour of the life of that person, I should be very sorry to withhold praise from so great an act of humanity. Whether done by him or by any other person, it is entitled to high and unquaIt forms, in this lified commendation. instance, a striking contrast to the general conduct of the individual in question. The Slave-trade is now altogether abolished in France. If, my lords, the result of the operations which are about to commence should occasion another change in the French Government-if the cause which will have my best wishes should eventually triumph, I do trust that this country will never participate in any contracts by which it may be proposed to revive that atrocious traffic. I trust that it will be clearly seen by those to whom the honour of the British empire is confided, that it is their sacred and imperative duty to refuse any acquiescence in such engagements. I do not ask what are the measures that have been adopted on this subject, nor do I ask what it is likely will be the means resorted to to give effect to our own wishes, and hereafter to establish a community of feeling with respect to it. But I hope it will be thoroughly understood, that this country never can consent to execute a treaty of concert with Louis 18, without distinctly declaring, that in the event of a favourable issue to the contest (if Providence should be so pleased), no measures should be taken to overthrow the great work which has been established in France, and which, by whatever hands accomplished, is pregnant with nothing but good. My lords, in expressing this expectation, I do not conceive that I am doing any thing at all calculated to embarrass his Majesty's Government. It was uniformly declared by Louis 18, and I implicitly subscribe to the sincerity of the declaration, that if he opposed any obstacle to the completion of the wishes of this country for a total and an immediate abolition of the Slave-trade, it was in contradiction to his own feelings and to his own conviction of right and justice, and was only in deference to the sense of the people. This, it now appears, was the case. It seems, that on this, as well as on other subjects, his Majesty's own correct judgment was perverted by the advice of those about him. That measure was represented to him as likely to prejudice his interests in France, which the person who is contending with him for the crown of that kingdom accomplished the very first moment after his assumption of the royal authority, and at a period when, as all his other actions unequivocally show, he felt it necessary to conciliate the nation by every means in his power. Under these circumstances, therefore, my lords, his Majesty's Government can have no difficulty in making to Louis 18 the proposition which I have stated; but, let it be difficult or not difficult, it is their duty to make and to abide by that proposition. If they do not, they will cover with stains the character of Great Britain. I have thought it right thus to call your lordships' attention to this interesting topic; and in the confidence that his Majesty's Government will not fail to adopt the line of proceeding which their duty seems to me to prescribe to them, I abstain from making any further observations upon it. The Earl of Liverpool said :-I shall trouble your lordships with only a few words on what has fallen from the noble baron. I entirely concur in the noble lord's general statement, that it is the duty of his Majesty's Government to avail themselves of every means in their power to accomplish that object, which they feel as strongly as the noble baron, or as any other person existing, will be conducive to the universal happiness of the world. Without entering into further particulars, I have no difficulty in saying, that from the first moment at which it could be taken into consideration, this subject has occupied the earnest and anxious attention of the Prince Regent's servants, and that measures have already been adopted with a view to give full effect to the wishes of the noble baron, of Parliament, and of the country. We have the strongest reason to hope that our efforts on this subject will be successful. This, at least, I may say, without committing his Majesty's Government to any declaration which future occurrences might possibly render imprudent, (and I am persuaded that no one can be more desirous than the noble baron that I should not so commit them), that no exertion will be wanting on their part to complete this good work, generally as far as lies in their power, and particularly as it respects its accomplishment in France; and that no treaty will be concluded with the King of France, either by Great Britain singly, or by Great Britain in conjunction with the Allies, without a positive effort to that effect. My lords, when the proper time shall arrive, his Majesty's ministers will be perfectly prepared to render to your lordships the fullest possible explanation of their conduct on this important subject. Having thus sufficiently guarded himself against misrepresentation with respect to the course he deemed it necessary went, which was that of right. Earl Stanhope said, he should vote for the Petition, as he conceived that relief in all such cases was a matter of right, and not of fato pursue, he should next proceed to ob Your. The Earl of Donoughmore pre- serve, that for nothing but inquiry-for sented Petitions from Galway, and other inquiry only-was he now about to move. parts of Ireland, on the same subject. His That their lordships should take into imlordship also presented one from the Ro-mediate consideration the state of his Ma man Catholics of Great Britain, which he stated was put into his hands, he knew not why. It was respectfully worded, and respectably signed. He was not sufficiently acquainted with the different parts from which the signatures were obtained, to speak positively as to their general importance, but many of the names were highly respectable. The Petitions were all ordered to lie on the table. The order of the day for summoning their lordships being read, The Earl of Donoughmore rose, for the purpose of submitting to the House the motion of which he had given notice, with respect to the Catholic Claims. Before he entered on the subject, and stated to their lordships what the question for their consideration was, he thought it would be necessary for him distinctly to premise what the question was not, to which he meant to call their lordships' attention. He was quite unfettered and uninfluenced, in introducing this question, by any discussions that might have taken place out of Parliament nor was he tied down by any directions, as to the course that ought to be pursued. He was a party to no specific arrangements that would tend to circumscribe or interfere with the deliberate judgment of the House. He had not embodied, in any distinct resolutions, what he might be desirous their lordships should do on this subject-much less had he reduced any propositions into the shape of a legislative enactment. In what he had just said, he desired not to be misunderstood as expressing any opinion on the course adopted, or intended to have been adopted, in another place. The Resolutions which were printed and circulated after the late discussion, had probably imparted instruction on this important question, which was most necessary and most important. But, as he did not intend to animadvert on the new mode of bringing this great subject forward, he certainly felt that he had an undoubted right to declare against any thing that might be alleged in disapproval of the line of conduct which he had himself adopted on this occasion. jesty's Catholic subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, was the full extent of what he meant to require from the House. He hoped that he should be successful-if, indeed, any success ever attended his humble efforts in support of the great cause which he would, that day, again place before their lordships. For the clear and satisfactory consideration of this subject, it would be fitting, that he should divide it into distinct and separate heads. In the first place, he would apply himself to the causes which called for the imme diate consideration of the question; and, in his opinion, every principle of justice and of policy, required this proceeding. He should, secondly, advert to the relief, from existing disabilities, that ought to be extended to the Catholics-who, he be→ lieved it would not be denied, had con ducted themselves in the most satisfactory manner for the last twenty years; and be should state to the House the propo sitions he should deem it necessary to submit, if inquiry were agreed to, on their behalf. In the third place, he should deliver his opinion on those additional securities, which had been contended for, as indispensable, by some very respectable members of both Houses of Parliament. and the consequent arrangements, with respect to the Catholic Church, which were to be found in the measure of 1813. And, lastly, he should briefly reply to the argument that had been so often and so triumphantly urged against the immediate consideration of this subject; namely, whether, in the present dissatisfied, and, as it was alleged to be, inflamed state of the Catholic body, it would be prudent to entertain the question. From this division of the subject, his lordship hoped it would not be inferred, that he intended to enter into it at any great length. Professing, as he did, that inquiry alone was his ob ject, such a course would be quite unne→ cessary. He felt, however, that he would not be justified in calling their lordships to a discussion on a subject of such immense importance, without putting the House in possession,-by as shortly com pressed a statement as possible,of what 669] Roman Catholic Question. his own view of the question was, and of those great objects which he wished to effectuate by the proposed inquiry. With respect to the first head-the causes which peculiarly demanded inquiry-those causes were so very numerous, that he knew not with which of them he should begin. In the first place, a great body of the people of Ireland were deprived of the enjoyment of many rights; they were debarred from various political offices, of great weight and respect. It had been argued, that great danger would result to the State, if the Catholics were admitted to the enjoyment of those situations. This was directly denied by them. They came forward, and challenged inquiry. They offered to prove, before These Parliament, that their fidelity to the State had been firm and unshaken. grievances, great as they were, became still greater, when they considered the vast number of persons who suffered by them. In this country many individuals were oppressed by the system in Ireland four-fifths of the entire population were affected by it. If such grievances as these were permitted to exist if they were suffered to remain without inquiry, he conceived it would be most unjust, most impolitic. But the system pursued with respect to the Catholics, was different in different parts of the united kingdom. In Scotland, the Catholics had a capability of holding, as he believed, every office, civil and military, without any reference to religious opinion. In this country, the Catholics enjoyed a very small addition indeed to what was granted by the statute of 1791. In Ireland, they were permitted to exercise the elective franchise, and they were in possession of all those liberal accessions of privilege, which the Act of 1793 extended to them. Was such an anomalous state of things, he would ask, worthy to continue in existence? Their lordships must not think that he wished to give to the Irish Catholics more than he would demand for those who inhabited other parts of the United Kingdom; but he could see no just reason for not putting them on the same footing with their Northern neighbours. Was there any thing in their conduct or demeanour, that entitled them to greater relief than the Catholics of Ireland? This was a monstrous anomaly, and called for the interference of the Legislature. All that he asked of their lordships was, to inquire fully into the question, that it might be promptly and definitively set at rest-that all the There was another reason for inquiry, namely, the claims of the Roman Catholics. And here he would state, what he meant to propose in their behalf. He should call for their complete and perfect restoration to every privilege that was now withheld from them. He would fix them precisely in the same situation as all his Majesty's other subjects were placed in-saving what related to the ecclesiastical government. In every respect but this, if their lordships went into a committee, he would propose to give the Catholics a perfect equality with their fellow-subjects. By the Act of 1793, the Roman Catholics gained much. That Act, which was said to be the work of the then Secretary of State, was most valuable. Ireland never before received such a parliamentary boon which had been made to him, he did conceive that the Catholics would have a right to complain, if their cause was not carried, since, with a view to its success, they had conceded the Union. They would, he contended, have a strong ground of complaint, if, having supported the Union, for the purpose of recovering their privileges, those rights were withheld from them, by the prospect of which they had been induced to act as they had done. He did not ask for any thing specifically for the Catholics, but he demanded inquiry; and he had a right to ask it, in consequence of the engagement which was entered into with them at the time of the Union; and, to prove that they conceived such an engagement to have been made, it was merely necessary for them to advertit proceeded on the best and wisest to their feelings. The measure of the Union could not have been carried by any other mode: it was carried by the Roman Catholics-not by bribery or corruptionnot by the private acts of any individual, but by the fair and upright act of the Catholics themselves. "Give us," said the Government," your assistance to alter the constitution of Parliament, and our first act, under the new system, will be, to open to you a fair opportunity for the recovery of your rights." The Union, therefore, formed a strong claim on their lordships. But there was another point worthy of their attention, which was derived from what had passed recently in that House. When he said recently, he alluded to a motion made by a noble marquis (Wellesley) about three years since. The discussion created great satisfaction at the time; the opinion of their lordships on this question had not since been expressed; and he believed nothing had occurred to alter the feeling of their lordships' minds with respect to it. That motion, he need scarcely remind the House, was all but carried by a majority; one hundred and twenty-five noble lords were in favour of it; one hundred and twenty-six were opposed to it; amongst the latter was a reverend prelate, who did not feel any unwillingness to the principle of considering the question, but who did not wish the House to pledge itself to a consideration then. But for this the numbers would have been equal; and, there fore, he had a right to say, that, on the very last occasion when the question was discussed in that House, it was carried by every thing but a majority. He now came to the second point principles-it removed many of the griev. ances by which at that time the Roman Catholics were afflicted. That Act, which gave to them so many important privileges, formed a title, by which they now claimed all those rights and liberties of which they were at present deprived. Had their lordships, at the time they granted them those privileges which the Act of 1793 conferred, any doubt of their fidelity? Did any fear arise in their minds, when they conceded those rights? What did they then feel? Did they not believe, that they were granting those privileges to loyal and well-affected subjects-to persons whose religion contained nothing that was incompatible with the duties of loyal and well-affected subjects? They gave the Catholics, at that period, privileges, which if they were, in fact, subject to that influence which some noble lords feared, ought not to have been extended to them. The oath imposed by the Act of 1793, he considered a sufficient security. If any thing were omitted in the formation of that oath, the deficiency was not occasioned by a want of jealousy in the learned gentlemen who drew it up. He gave the noble lord opposite, who was then in Ireland, credit for having had nothing to do with that shameful oath-that disgraceful collection of shocking abominationswhich could not be heard without horror and detestation. It did not originate with him. It was the rancorous production of some old men, who could not be controlled by the power of the Irish government. That oath was long enough. There was nothing that a man could do, or say, or think, that was not provided for in it. The Roman Catholics accepted that oath |