spirit has not worked chiefly in the whig party, and its antagonist in the adverse party.

"You infer that the whig party have fallen away from their ancient faith. I admit its comparative unsoundness. I confess it, but it is still the truest and most faithful of the two parties, and one or the other of them must prevail. The unsoundness of both arises from the fault of the country and of the age. Neither was ever more sound and faithful than it is now: it is your duty and mine to make them both more faithful.

Slavery was once the sin, not of some of the states only, but of them all—not of our nation only, but of all nations. It perverted and corrupted the moral sense of mankind, deeply, universally; and this corruption became a universal habit. Habits of thought became fixed principles. No American state has yet delivered itself cutely from those habits. We in New York are guilty of slavery stid, by withholding the right of suffrage from the race we have emancipated. You in Ohio are guilty in the same way, by a system of black-laws, still more aristocratic and odious. It is written in the constitution of the United States that five slaves shall count equal to three free men, as a basis of representation; and it is written also, in violation of the Divine law, that we shall surrender the fugitive slave who takes refuge at our fireside from his relentless pursuers. You blush not at these things, because they have become familiar as household words, and your pretended free-soil allies claim particular merit for maintaining these miscalled guaranties of slavery which they find in the national compact.

Does not all this prove that the whig party has kept up with the spirit of the age-that it is as true and faithful to human freedom as the inert conscience of the American people will permit it to be?

"What, then!' you say, 'can nothing be done for freedom because the public conscience is inert?' Yes, much can be done -everything can be done. Slavery can be limited to its present bounds, it can be ameliorated, it can be and must be abolished, and you and I can and must do it. The task is as simple and easy as its consummation will be beneficent and its rewards glorious. It requires only to follow this simple rule of action,

viz.: to do everywhere and on every occasion what we can, and not to neglect or refuse to do what we can at any time, because at that precise time and on that particular occasion we can not do more. Circumstances determine possibilities. When we have done our best to shape them and make them propitious, we may rest satisfied that superior Wisdom has determined their form as they exist, and will be satisfied with us if we then do all the good that circumstances leave in our power. But we must begin deeper and lower than in the composition and combination of factions and parties. Wherein do the strength and security of slavery lie? You answer that they lie in the constitution of the United States, and the constitution and laws of all slaveholding states. Not at all. They lie in the erroneous sentiment of the American people. Constitutions and laws can no more rise above the virtue of the people than the limpid stream can climb above its native spring. Inculcate, then, the love of freedom and the equal rights of man, under the paternal roof; see to it that they are taught in the schools and in the churches; reform your own code-extend a cordial welcome to the fugitive who lays his weary limbs at your door, and defend him as you would your paternal gods; correct your own error, that slavery has any constitutional guaranty which may not be released, and ought not to be relinquished. Say to Slavery, when it shows its bond and demands the pound of flesh, that if it draws one drop of blood, its life shall pay the forfeit. Inculcate that free states can maintain the rights of hospitality and of humanity; that executive authority can forbear to favor slavery; that Congress can debate; that Congress at least can mediate with the slaveholding states, that at least future generations might be bought and given up to freedom, and that the treasures wasted in the war with Mexico would have been sufficient to have redeemed millions unborn from bondage. Do all this and inculcate all this in the spirit of moderation and benevolence, and not of retaliation and fanaticism, and you will scon bring the parties of the country into an effective aggression upon slavery. Whenever the public mind shall will the abolition of slavery, the way will open for it.

"I know that you will tell me that this is all too slow. Well, then, go faster, if you can, and I will go with you; but remem

ber the instructive lesson that was taught in the words, "These things ought ye to have done, and not to have left the others undone." Remember that the liberty party tried the unattainable, overlooking the attainable, and now has compromised and surrendered the principle of immediate emancipation for a coalition to effect a practicable measure which can only be defeated by that coalition. Remember that no human work is done without preparation. God works out his sublimest purposes among men with preparation. There was a voice of one crying in the wilderness, 'Prepare ye the way,' before the Son of man could come. There was a John before a Jesus; there was a baptism of water before the baptism of the Holy Ghost and of fire."

All Mr. Seward's speeches during this campaign were full of the same sentiments. In the cities of Boston, Philadelphia, and New York as well as among the yeomanry of Pennsylvania, New York, and Ohio, he spoke the same language, and the demonstrations of concurrence were equally hearty and unanimous in city and country.

In one of these speeches he alludes to the nomination of General Taylor in preference to Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster in the following words:

"What is the presidency of the United States compared with the fame of a patriot statesman who triumphs over popular injustice and establishes his country on the sure foundations of freedom and empire ?"*

* See Vol. III., p. 305.

CHAPTER XVIII.

PRESIDENT TAYLOR MR. SEWARD ELECTED SENATOR· GENERAL TAYLOR'S POLICY MR. SEWARD'S COURSE AND SPEECHES THE HIGHER LAW THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 SPEECHES ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS - VISIT TO VERMONT AGRICULTURAL ADDRESS CANADA.

THE election of General Taylor to the presidency seemed to be a favorable indication for the policy of freedom, that had been so earnestly defended by Governor Seward. Connected with the return of a whig majority both in the national house of representatives and the legislature of New York, that event was supposed to guaranty the restriction of slavery within its existing boundaries and the establishment of a free domain along the gulf of Mexico, and across the continent to the Pacific ocean. Under these circumstances, Governor Seward was elected to the senate of the United States, in place of Hon. John A. Dix, whose term was about to expire. The vote of the legislature, which was given in February, 1849, stood-for Governor Seward 121, and for all others 30. This was an unusually large majority, there being no serious opposition to his election. He entered the thirty-first Congress, together with thirtythree other whig members, and one democratic member, from the state of New York, who, in accordance with the prevailing sentiment of the state, were all understood to agree with him in the policy of circumscribing the region of slavery.

On arriving at Washington, in February before the commencement of his senatorial term, Mr. Seward found Congress engaged on an amendment to the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, proposed by Mr. Walker, of which

the effect would be to abrogate the laws of Mexico for the prohibition of slavery. This amendment had already passed the senate, but Mr. Seward, with characteristic energy, exerted himself to secure its defeat in the house. His efforts were successful; the amendment was lost in the house, after a long and excited debate; the senate receded from it, on the last night of the session.*

The sagacity of President Taylor, on his accession to of fice was signally displayed in his choice of Mr. Seward as one of his most intimate friends and counsellors. Familiar with all the elements of northern society, with every aspect of public opinion, and the feelings and interests of the people-conversant with civil affairs as a jurist and statesman cherishing a lofty sense of honor and a generous sympathy with popular rights-courteous and tolerant toward his opponents, though rigidly faithful to his convictions-inspired with a glowing sentiment both of patriotism and humanity—and ardently devoted to the support of the federal Union - he was eminently qualified to promote the welfare of his country in the responsible function of adviser to the president. With a delicate sense of propriety, while thus enjoying the confidence of President Taylor, he declined being placed on any important committee of the senate, lest it might be supposed, on some occasions, that he acted authoritatively in his behalf. He was unwilling to embarrass the administration by any sectional prejudices against himself, but wished quietly to bring the aid of his wisdom and experience to the support of its head.

He concurred with President Taylor in his invitation to California and New Mexico to organize state governments and apply for admission into the Union at the next session of Congress. The suggestion of the president was adopted. As Mr. Seward had anticipated, California appeared by her senators and representatives at the commencement of the congressional session in December, 1849, with a

* See Vol. III., p. 443.