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Resolved, unanimously, Whereas, the Delegates of all the Colonies, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, in Congress assembled, have unanimously chosen GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq., to be General and Commander-in-Chief of such Forces as are, or shall be, raised for the maintenance and preservation of American Liberty; this Congress doth now declare, that they will maintain and assist him, and adhere to him, the said GEORGE WASHINGTON, with their lives and fortunes in the same cause.

CIRCULAR LETTER FROM GENERAL WASHINGTON, TO THE
GOVERNOURS OF THE SEVERAL STATES, UPON THE IM-
PORTANT INTERESTS OF THE UNION.

Circular Letter from his Excellency GEORGE WASHING-
TON, Commander-in-Chief, of the Armies of the United
States of America, to the Governours of the several
States.

Head Quarters, Newburgh, June 18, 1783. SIR: The great object for which I had the honour to hold an appointment in the service of my country, being accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of Congress, and return to that domestick retire. ment, which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life in a state of undisturbed repose; but, before I carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last official communication, to congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer my sentiments respecting some important subjects which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States; to take my leave of your Excellency as a publick character, and to give my final blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights; and whose happiness being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own.

Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual solicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing: This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or a moral point of view.

The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of Continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency; they are from this period to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre,

which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity: Here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domestick enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for political happiness than any other Nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than the recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our Republick assumed its rank among the Nations.

The foundation of our Empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period: Researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent: The treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours of Philosophers, Sages, and Legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of Government: The free cultivation of Letters, the unbounded extension of Commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period the United States came into existence as a Nation, and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

Such is our situation, and such are our prospects; but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own; yet it appears to me, there is an option still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a Nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment, when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever; this is the favourable moment to give such a tone to the Federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politicks, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and, by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I will, therefore, speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments, may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives, the part I have hitherto acted in life,

the determination I have formed of not taking any share in publick business hereafter, the ardent desire I feel and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal Government, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my Countrymen, that I could have no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve, the opinions contained in this Address.

There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States as an independent Power:

1st. An indissoluble union of the States under one Federal head.

2dly. A sacred regard to publick justice.

Bdly. The adoption of a proper Peace Establishment. And,

4thly. The prevalence of that pacifick and friendly disposition among the People of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.

These are the pillars on which the glorious fabrick of our independency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country.

On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned.

Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the Union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a large proportion of power to Congress, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions: That unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion. That it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power, to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated Republick, without which the Union cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue. That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly. And lastly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of Government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so

much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union, we cannot exist as an independent Power. It will be sufficient for my purpose, to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as an Empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign Nations. The treaties of the European Powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on the dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

As to the second article, which respects the performance of publick justice, Congress have, in their late Address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render complete justice to all the publick creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honour and independency of America can hesitate a single moment respecting the propriety of complying with the just and honourable measures proposed. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially, when we reflect that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the Continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it should not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place, before any different plan can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the States.

The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted. An An inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting; the path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a Nation, be just; let us fulfil the publick contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on the War, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the meantime, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the bands of Government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation, and without danger.

In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of society, and insure the protection of Government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the War, that we should be completely satisfied, if at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions ?

Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain indebted, for the defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honour and of gratitude? In what part of the Continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up, and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the Soldier of his stipend, and the publick creditor of his due? And, were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down, upon the authors of such measures, the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the Union; if there should be a refusal to comply with the requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the publick debts, and if that refusal should revive all those jealousies, and produce all those evils which are now happily removed Congress, who have, in all their transactions, shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and man! And that State alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the Continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the consequences.

For my own part, conscious of having acted while a servant of the publick, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to the Army, that their country would, finally, do them complete and ample justice, and not willing to conceal any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your Excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation granted by Congress to the Officers of the Army: From these communications, my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner.

As the pro

ceedings of Congress, the Army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudice and errours which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more, than just to observe, that the resolutions of Congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation.

As to the idea, which I am informed, has in some instances prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded forever: That provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to Officers of the Army, for services then to be performed: It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service; it was a part of their hire. I may be allowed to say it was the price of their blood, and of your independency; it is, therefore, more than a common debt, it is a debt of honour; it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

With regard to the distinction between Officers and Sol

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diers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every Nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards, in proportion to the aid the publick draws from them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some Lines, the Soldiers have, perhaps, generally had as ample compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their Officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if besides the donation of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages (in which articles all the component parts of the Army must be put upon the same footing) we take into the estimate, the bounties many of the Soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation, (every circumstance being duly considered,) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the Officers. Should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, I will venture to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in some instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compensation granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. But neither the adoption nor rejection of this proposition will, in any manner affect, much less militate against the Act of Congress, by which they have offered five years' full pay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the Officers of the Army.

Before I conclude the subject on publick justice, I cannot omit to mention the obligations this country is under to that meritorious class of veterans, the Non-commissioned Officers and Privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the Resolution of Congress, of the twenty-third of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits and claims to that provision need only to be known, to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the comforts or necessaries of life, compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those of this description, belonging to your State, to the warmest patronage of your Excellency and your Legislature.

It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topick which was proposed, and which regards, particularly, the defence of the Republick. As there can be little doubt but Congress will recommend a proper Peace Establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the Militia of the Union upon a regular and respectable footing; if this should be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms.

The Militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility: It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the Militia of the Continent should be absolutely uniform and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus, should be introduced in every part of the United States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, ex

pense, and confusion which result from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed.

If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of the Address, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology: It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention; consonant to the immutable rules of justice; calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to publick business. Here I might speak with more confidence, from my actual observations; and if it would not swell this letter (already to prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself, I could demonstrate to every mind, open to conviction, that in less time, and with much less expense than has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the Continent could have been properly called forth; that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occurred, have, in too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the Continental Government, than a deficiency of means in the particular States: That the inefficacy of the measures, arising from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the requisitions of Congress in some of the States, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those who were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the War, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means involved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of an Army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering than that which I have had the honour to command. But while I mention those things, which are notorious facts, as the defects of our Federal Constitution, particularly in the prosecution of a War, I beg it may be understood, that as I have ever taken pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support I have derived from every class of citizens; so shall I always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual States, on many interesting occasions.

I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known before I surrendered up my publick trust to those who committed it to me: The task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the Chief Magistrate of your State; at the same time I bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the employments of publick life.

It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excellency will communicate these sentiments to your Legislature, at their next meeting; and that they may be considered as the Legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the Divine benediction upon it.

I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to Government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow citizens of the United States at large; and, particularly, for their brethren who

have served in the field; and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacifick temper of the mind, which were the characteristicks of the divine Author of our blessed religion; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a happy Nation.

I have the honour to be, with much esteem and respect, sir, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant, Go. WASHINGTON.

RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS TO ERECT AN EQUESTRIAN STATUE OF WASHINGTON-HIS VISIT TO PRINCETON AT THE REQUEST OF CONGRESS-THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESSWASHINGTON'S REPLY.

The following Resolutions were passed on the 7th of August, 1783:

By the United States in Congress assembled, Resolved unanimously, ten States being present, That an Equestrian Statue of General WASHINGTON be erected at the place where the residence of Congress shall be established.

Resolved, That the Statue be of bronze, the General to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled in a laurel wreath : The Statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in basso relievo, the following principal events of the War, in which General WASHINGTON commanded in person, viz: The Evacuation of Bostonthe Capture of the Hessians at Trenton-the Battle of Princeton-the Action of Monmouth—and the Surrender of York. On the upper part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved to be engraved as follows: "The United States in Con"gress assembled, ordered this Statue to be erected in the year of our Lord, 1783, in honour of GEORGE WASHING"TON, the illustrious Commander-in-Chief of the Armies "of the United States of America, during the War, which "vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty, and in"dependence."

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Resolved, That a Statue conformable to the above plan, be executed by the best Artist in Europe, under the superintendence of the Minister of the United States at the Court of Versailles, and that money to defray the expense of the same, be furnished from the Treasury of the United States.

Resolved, That the Secretary of Congress transmit to the Minister of the United States at the Court of Versailles, the best resemblance of General WASHINGTON that can be procured for the purpose of having the above Statue erected, together with the fittest description of the events which are to be the subject of the basso relievo.

General WASHINGTON, at the request of Congress, proceeded to Princeton on the 26th of August, 1783, and being introduced by two Members, the President addressed him as follows:

"SIR: Congress feel particular pleasure in seeing your "Excellency, and in congratulating you on the success of "a War in which you have acted so conspicuous a part.

"It has been the singular happiness of the United States, "that during a War so long, so dangerous, and so impor 'tant, Providence has been graciously pleased to preserve "the life of a General, who has merited and possessed the "uninterrupted confidence and affection of his fellow-citi

zens.

In other Nations many have performed services "for which they have deserved and received the thanks of "the publick; but to you, sir, peculiar praise is due, your "services have been essential in acquiring and establishing "the freedom and independence of your country; they deserve the grateful acknowledgements of a free and independent Nation; those acknowledgements Congress have "the satisfaction of expressing to your Excellency.

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"Hostilities have now ceased, but your country still "needs your services; she wishes to avail herself of your "talents in forming the arrangements which will be necessary for her in the time of Peace; for this reason your "attendance at Congress has been requested. A Commit"tee is appointed to confer with your Excellency, and to "receive your assistance in preparing and adjusting plans "relative to those important objects."

To which His Excellency made the following Reply: "Mr. President :

"I am too sensible of the honourable reception I have "now experienced, not to be penetrated with the deepest "feelings of gratitude.

"Notwithstanding Congress appear to estimate the value "of my life beyond any services I have been able to ren"der the United States, yet I must be permitted to consider "the wisdom and unanimity of our National Councils, the "firmness of our citizens, and the patience and bravery of "our troops, which have produced so happy a termination "of the War, as the most conspicuous effect of the Divine "interposition, and the surest presage of our future happi

ness.

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Highly gratified by the favourable sentiments which "Congress are pleased to express of my past conduct, and amply rewarded by the confidence and affection of my "fellow-citizens, I cannot hesitate to contribute my best "endeavours towards the establishment of the National "security in whatever manner the sovereign power may "think proper to direct, until the ratification of the Defini❝tive Treaty of Peace, or the final evacuation of our country by the British forces; after either of which events, I "shall ask permission to retire to the peaceful shade of private life.

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Perhaps, sir, no occasion may offer more suitable than "the present to express my humble thanks to God, and "my grateful acknowledgements to my country, for the great and uniform support I have received in every vicis"situde of fortune, and for the many distinguished honours "which Congress have been pleased to confer upon me in "the course of the War."

FAREWELL ORDERS OF GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES-ANSWER TO THE SAME, BY THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY STATIONED AT WESTPOINT.

Rocky-Hill, near Princeton, November 2, 1783. The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most honourable testimony to the merits of the Federal Armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent, and faithful service, having thought proper, by their Proclamation, bearing date the 18th of October last, to discharge such part of the Troops as were engaged for the War, and to permit the Officers on furlough to retire from service, from and after to-mor

row, which Proclamation having been communicated in the publick papers for the information and government of all concerned; it only remains for the Commander-in-Chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the Armies of the United States, (however widely dispersed individuals who compose them may be,) and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.

But before the Commander-in-Chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past: He will, then, take the liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future prospects; of advising the general line of conduct which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the Address, by expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced from them, in the performance of an arduous office.

A contemplation of the complete attainment, (at a period earlier than could have been expected,) of the object for which we contended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude.The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the War was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the Armies of the United States, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement, for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle.

It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this Address, to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe the distresses which, in several instances, have resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigours of an inclement season; nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American Officer and Soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious a part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness; events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they, probably, ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined army formed, at once, from such raw materials? Who, that was not a witness, could imagine that the most violent local prejudices would cease so soon, and that men who came from the different parts of the Continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotick band of brothers? Or who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effect ed, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description: And shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have been obtained? In such a Republick, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labours? In such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce, and the cultivation of the soil, will unfold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy

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