but Blackwood very coolly condemns hereditary statesmanship altogether.

What, it may be asked, could have urged the least scrupulous of our Tory publications to say what I have quoted? I will tell you. There is a large class of wealthy persons in this country who are operated upon equally by two strong passions-pride of purse, and craving for alliances with the nobility. This class has sufficient acuteness to perceive that the Aristocracy of birth is rapidly approaching its extinction, and that the Peers may, in their blind struggles, damage the Aristocracy of wealth, and suffer pure Democracy to gain the ascendancy. One may easily imagine the shrewder of this class saying to themselves, "These proud Lords do not know what they are about—they must give up their hereditary rights, that is clear enough; there is no great prudence in marrying our children now into their class. But that is not the worst, if we do not stir ourselves, the hereditary will drag down in their fall too many of the privileges of the Aristocracy of wealth. Indeed, we have followed them too long, or things would not have come to this pass; we have capacity, and nobles have not; we must lead now, or Democracy will outstrip us;-yes, we are determined: we 'mean hereafter to aid in the labours of self-government;' we will assist in the councils;' we must be called to the cabinet.' Both Aristocracies are in danger; the fall of hereditary privileges

is inevitable; we must be decisive and save the privileges of wealth."

But listen to Blackwood himself, who assures us that capacities of the highest order abound in the untitled class, "equal to the grasp of any subject." And then he adds: "The Aristocracy [of birth] blind as it has been to the comparative growth of intelligence, and purblind as still it is to consequences inevitable of organic changes which are in progress, has invariably sought its business men for office or legislation in one class (that of the bar), because the class has generally been found supple, and not frequently over scrupulous. If they cannot comprehend the signs of the times, and shape their course according, they [i. e. their privileges] are in imminent risk of being cast away, and with them the remnants of the British Constitution" [the privileges of wealth].

On a former occasion, in a Pamphlet edited by Mr ROEBUCK, I alluded to the plain, staring fact, that the intellectual development and irresistible interests arising from the business affairs of a nation like this, were wholly incompatible with a Legislative Aristocracy, and must inevitably destroy it in a short time; I little thought I should be so soon supported in my views by passages of a leading article in Blackwood's Magazine. But before the close of 1836, many a Tory may, possibly, think with Blackwood and me. I ROBERTS HAMMERSLEY.

THE following affords an additional piece of evidence (printed in Italics) of the impossibility of enforcing the laws against the Conductors and Venders of the Unstamped Press:

APPLICATION TO RECOVER CONFISCATED NEWSPAPERS. On Monday, after the police business had been gone through, an application was made by Mr JAMES REEVYE, an extensive vender

of Unstamped Newspapers on the Lambeth side of the water, to Messrs BURRELL and WHITE, the sitting magistrates, to recover a quantity of Unstamped Newspapers which had been seized by SMITH and HALL, officers of this establishment, employed by the Stamp-office, on Saturday evening, from one of his servants, in the Waterloo road. It will be recollected that a week or two since Mr REEVE applied to Mr GREGORIE for warrants against

several officers who had taken him into custody without finding any Unstamped Newspapers on his person. Mr GREGORIE refused the application, and Mr REEVE then stated that he would appeal for justice to a higher court.

Mr BURRELL-Are you the same person who applied to Mr GRegorie ? Mr REEVE-I am.

Mr BURRELL-Well, what is your business now?

Mr REEVE-I apply for the quantity of papers of which my servant was robbed on Saturday night, as she was going to supply my customers, and for which I paid the full value in lawful money.

Mr REEVE-I only wish to recover the property I have been robbed of.

Mr BURRELL-The magistrates cannot interfere. If you wish to recover your property, I should recommend you to advise with your solicitor upon the subject.

The applicant then withdrew, observing that he thought it very hard that he should be harrassed in the way he had been, while he was endeavouriug to gain an honest living for himself and his family.

• "Cheap Knowledge they will have." This is now the starting point of all discussion. It would be absurd to waste words on any question preliminary to this-the People will have Cheap Instruction-no power can prevent it; and it rests on the decision of Parliament whether that information shall be as good as open competition can make it, or whether its sources shall be impaired by the continuance of a double monopoly,-first, in favour of

Mr REEVE-They were.

Mr BURRELL-Then I have nothing to do with it; the officers acted very properly; it was a legal seizure.

Mr REEVE-I wish to know whether the magistrates of this office sanction the robbery?

Mr BURRELL-Certainly; they are illegal publications.

Mr WHITE-If he has any complaint to make, we will hear it in the usual form.

Mr REEVE-Then I complain of the robbery. Were I to give over selling the Unstamped, my customers declare that they will get them of some other person; as they were determined to have an Untaxed Newspaper, even if they sub

and, second, in favour of those who have been taught by the law's oppression to contemn the law.

Speaking of the proceedings in London, and of the mock remedy which the lawy holds out to the poor man, the Examiner observes :

"What injustice and mockery is this! The expensive remedy of an action is as much out of the reach of the poor as the sun in the firmament, and is nothing less than robbery to take from them their property, throwing upon them the onus of proving, by a process beyond their means, that the seizure was illegal."

On the subject of the Repeal of the Stamp, Ministers will be urged to give a "Yes" or "No" early in the SesH. S. C.

Richard II., said by the English historians to have been murdered at Pontefract Castle, actually lived many years in Scotland, after the period of his sup. posed murder,) "will appear in the third volume of Mr Tytler's History of Scotland. Like the tenor of the work in general, it reflects the highest hon our on Mr Tytler's talents and industry.”—Sir Walter Scott.

"An accurate, well digested, well written his tory;" evincing "deliberation, research, judgment, and fidelity."-Scotsman.

Published by William Tait, Edinburgh; Longman and Co., and Simpkin Marshall, and Co. London; and John Cumming, Dublin.

"I wouldn't march through Coventry with themthat's flat."-Shakspeare.

In the press and shortly will be published,

By P. F. TYTLER, Esq.

Vol. V, containing the Reigns of James IV, James V, and part of the Minority of Mary.

"The merest glance at the table of contents will suffice to show, that Volume 5 embraces a very interesting period. With the exception of the days of Wallace and Bruce, there are few portions of our history more interesting than the reigns of the Fourth and Fifth Jameses, which are here narrated, and that of the lovely but unhappy Mary-a portion of whose minority is also contained in this volume, which, consequently, includes the unfortunate battle of Floddenfield, the subject of some of the most plaintive and touching chants of the Scottish musethe agitated minority of James V.--the eventful reign of that monarch, and his miserable death, after the disgraceful defeat of Solway Moss-and the opening, during the succeeding minority of Mary, of that great struggle between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism which was to terminate in the

triumph of the Reformed Faith. In an Appendix are given some valuable papers illustrative of particular portions of the history, which, whether for animation and interest of style, or depth and accuracy of research, merit our warmest approbation, and ought to be in the hands of every Scotsman, who wishes to be correctly informed respecting the deeds of his fathers."-Greenock Intelligencer.

"The descriptions of the battles are concise but full of spirit. The events are themselves of the most romantic kind, and are detailed in a very pictu resque and forcible style."-Times.

"The most brilliant age of Scotland is fortunate in having found a historian whose sound judgment is accompanied by a graceful liveliness of imagination."-Quarterly Review.

"Highly creditable in all respects to Mr Tytler. Its tone is unprejudiced, manly, and impartial. Such a History of Scotland was much wanted." New Monthly Magazine.

"This Volume, which embraces the history of half a century (1497 to 1546), and treats of the deeply interesting times of James IV., of the regency of Albany, of James V., and a portion of the minority of Mary, is one of the most important productions of the press. The entirely new light thrown upon the political intrigues of Scotland and her leading men, during the infancy of the unfortunate Mary, and also on the conduct of Henry VIII., in relation to them, to his views upon the independence of the country, and to his share in the assasination of Beaton, is perfectly extraordinary, and affords another proof of the strong necessity that exists of correcting the usual romance of history, by constant reference to contemporary and authentic documents. Mr Tytler has consulted the records in the State Paper Office, which have been undisturbed for three hundred years; and the result is a widely different version of the events, and a no less different picture of the actors who took the prominent share in bringing about or resisting the Reformation, and in all the memorable affairs of a distracted but exceedingly momentous period. In a word, the discoveries are so curious, and the exposition so striking, that we can truly say, we are unacquainted with any publication more deserving of universal attention.". Literary Gazette.

"The evidence of this very interesting fact," (that

or, Biographical Sketches of the Obscure Persons who conduct the London Newspaper Press.

CHEAP PAMPHLETS ON IMPORTANT

SUBJECTS.

IRELAND and O'CONNELL;

Containing a Historical Sketch of the Condition of the Irish People before the commencement of Mr O'Connell's Public Career; a History of the Catholic Association; and Memoirs of Mr O'Connell.

Second Edition, in Super-royal 8vo. double columns. Price Eightpence.

"Here is a pamphlet for the people-excellent as it is cheap; and which, as it is placed within the reach of everybody, nobody should be without.Fife Herald.

The

"A compendium of the History of Ireland, as applicable to the present times."-Kelso Chronicle. "This pamphlet should be in every one's hands. The account of Irish history and Irish persecution is excellent. It is brief, pointed, and accurate. Memoir of O'Connell has been carefully selected from the best authorities, and from the most amusing works in which he is mentioned; and the manner in which the Catholic Association is traced from its commencement, through its skilful evasion of the lawa to its final triumph, must give very great interest to this pamphlet."-Tyne Mercury.

"We should strongly recommend to perusal this instructive little work."-Edinburgh Observer,

In a few days will be ready, ENGLAND, IRELAND, and AMERICA. By a MANCHESTER MANUFACTURER. Fourth edition, super royal 8vo. price 6d. (The previons editions were published at 3s, &d., and were cheaper than usual, even at that price.) "This pamphlet though a little tinged with sparious Utilitarianism, has some sound views of the true foreign policy of England, and some just and forcible reflections upon the causes which keep us in the rear of improvement, as respects commerce and many branches of internal management, compared to America. The Author's remarks upon Ireland, and upon the real causes of its stationary condition, are well worthy of attention. They are characterised by practical good sense."-Times, 5th May, 1835.

"This pamphlet (or rather volume, for it contains as much matter as would make a volume,) may be regarded as the address of an able, well-informed, and patriotic mercantile man, to the good sense of his countrymen, on subjects of the very highest importance to the prosperity of the country. The title of Manchester Manufacturer' is no nom de guerre, but truly describes the occupation of the highly respectable and intelligent Author. Nor is this a party pamphlet. It appeals, not to the interest or the prejudices of any particular class, but to the good sense of all. We recommend it, more especially, to the perusal of the Author's commercial brethren, the Manufacturers, Merchants, and Traders of our great towns."-Tait's Edinburgh Magazine.

Published by William Tait, Edinburgh; Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., London; Willmer and Smith, Liverpool; and John Cumming, Dublin.

35

THE advocates of Aristocracy- who are numerous, not without abilities, and of whom there will be good supply for some time to come-labour strenuously to confound inequalities of fortune with aristocratical privileges. And no wonder they do; for all the plausibility of their sophisms is derived from this expedient. Were they obliged to speak of aristocratical privilege, truly, as it is-power held by a certain narrow class to do with the rest of the cominunity what they please-they would be treated with the scorn, which a pretension so impudent and hostile deserves. While allowed, however, to practise with the forked tongue, and talk of inequality of fortune and aristocratical privileges as the same, they can hold. up the advantages accruing from inequality of fortune, and by a juggle of language make them pass for advantages of aristocracy.

This is the course which must always be pursued when a bad thing is to be vindicated. The praises of some other thing, which is good, are cunningly transferred to the thing which is bad. When the object is to defend a useless and most expensive ecclesiastical establishment, take notice that the praises of religion are transferred to it. The two ideas-that of religion in all its excellence, and that of an ecclesiastical establishment, however bad-are blended together by artful language, and so closely associated, that ordinary minds

find it difficult to disjoin them. When this association of ideas is pretty generally formed, the ecclesiastical sophists proceed at their ease. Their business is only to declaim and abuse :

Base men! would you destroy religion? Or, if in Ireland Base men! would you destroy Protestantism?' When all the while there is no question about either religion or Protestantism, but only about an ecclesiastical establishment which is inimical to both.

Take another example, in the abuses. of government. They who desire to maintain in existence the causes of evil strive to confound them with the causes of good; and by taking them in the lump, apply to the causes of evil the praise which belongs to the causes of good. We are told of the advantages of the constitution: that is, in their sophistical language, the benefits of government in the aggregate. Well, we are as sensible of the benefits of government as they are; but we will not allow them to transfer the credit of those benefits to things which are not the causes of them, but the reversecauses of evil, not of benefit. may compliment causes of evil with the name of part of the constitution, as long as they please; we shall not be inclined to suffer them any more on that account. Those parts of the constitution which we hold sacred are the causes of good. By casting off the things which are the causes of evil we,

They