existence of Toryism. The Act provides that the Council may order a borough rate in case of the insufficiency of the Borough Fund (sec. 92). In other words, the Council may levy taxes. Now, this "insufficiency" is the only reason for ordering a rate; but an Aristocratic Council would soon find means to render the insufficiency very obvious. If the new Burgesses under the Act desire economy, not a single person of Aristocratic habits must find his way into the Council.

The Council has the power of appointing all Committees (sec. 70), and among them the Watch Committee (sec. 76). Now, if the Council have a majority of the old Aristocratic leaven, these Committees will of necessity be almost wholly anti-popular. Under the Watch Committee is placed the whole Constabu lary Force, with all its arrangements (Sec. 76 to 84); so that the further we proceed the lower we descend in the scale of office, the more necessary does it seem that the Councils should be thoroughly Liberal.

There is another circumstance which I have yet to mention, which puts the necessity of attending to the political opinions of Municipal candidates in a still higher light. I mean the influence of Corporations in Parliamentary elections. Every inhabitant of an old Corporation is painfully aware of the manner in which they exercised their power in influencing the return of anti-popular candidates to Parliament. Every instrument of bribery and intimidation was put into requisition, and in most cases with success. Now, if the same men, or men of the same political party, be elected as Town Councillors by the new Burgesses, who will be to blame if the old influences continue to be exerted at every succeeding Election ? In short, there does not appear to be a single point, from which the subject can be viewed, which does not exhibit the

political principles of candidates as the very chief consideration. Political principles influence the administration. of every possible office; or, to speak more correctly, every office may be administered according to either Aristocratic or Democratic principles. The Municipal Act is, to a certain extent, of democratic tendency. To arrange matters so that it is administered on Aristocratic principles is to counteract its tendency in every particular.

Now let us take another glance at Capt. HALL's remarks. Because a candidate for the office of constable is called a Jackson-man or an Adams-man, Capt. HALL concludes that he is elected solely on account of his being able to bring so many votes to this or that individual. This is, no doubt, very profound logic, but let us test it by a supposed case nearer home. Suppose the citizens of London had the power of electing their constables; suppose, further, that it were the practice in England, as it is in America, to make use of a name to represent a principle or a class of principles. In such a case the Liberal candidate would be called the Grote-man, and the anti-Liberal candidate would be called the Lyallman. Would it be a just inference to say that the constable was chosen, not because he was fit for the office, but solely because he was a Grote-man? Most people would say No! Captain BASIL HALL would say Yes! But why should not Captain BASIL HALL carry this a step further? We know that in England political parties are in the habit of making use of a decoration-a rosette, for instance, of coloured ribbon. An observer of Captain HALL'S class, going among such people, would hear them say, "I shall vote for blue-I detest yellow principles." Hereupon he would gravely write down that the People paid no regard to fitness for office-they made the colour

of a man's decoration the sole reason for choice, forgetting that the piece of coloured ribbon was merely a symbol standing for a set of political principles. Now in the case quoted by Captain HALL, the names of the candidates for the Presidency perform the same office as the rosettes of coloured ribbon in our Parliamentary Elections; and "JACKSON principles" in one country, or true Blue principles" in another, are quite as well understood by those who use them, as terms of more precise import. Mind! I do not defend the use of these vague terms-I merely account for them. One very good reason why their use is to be deprecated is, that they may create misconception in the minds of persons

FRASER'S

not remarkable for acuteness of intellect. I would therefore gladly see them replaced by better defined terms. "Democratic" and "Aristocratic" principles are better understood. The former term conveys to every mind a clear conception of popular influence, and the latter includes everything that is opposed thereto. If, therefore, the new Burgesses desire to be governed as they have long been, they will choose persons of Aristocratic (that is, Whig or Tory) principles. If, on the contrary, they desire to gather fruit from the Corporation Reform Act, they will put trust in no one who is not an advocate for democratic or popular influence. H. S. C.

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equal in understanding and knowledge with well instructed men who have not been trammeled with mean subserviency and gross flattery from their births, who have not been prevented acquiring information by a mode of discipline which necessarily induces small acquirements to be taken for profound knowledge, and consequently can seldom do more, and generally not so much as to produce a mediocrity of understanding. A glance will show that nearly all there is of knowledge and understanding of a superior cast in the House of Lords, is with the men who on their entrance in life had no expectation of being Peers.

In the Commons' House, there have always been some men of capacious, wellcultivated understandings; and were not the House in consequence of its great number of Members, a mere mob, there would be many more such men.

on

As it is, I do not believe there is one man in either House, whether Whig or Tory, who may be classed among the best informed, who does not acknowledge to himself, that the Stamp Duty on Newspapers, the interdict "News, intelligence, or information, and remark and comment thereon, and on any matter in Church or State," is a disgrace to the Government. There is not one such man, I verily believe, who whenever he privately reflects upon the Law and its consequences, is not ashamed of himself. Yet there it stands the disgraceful red mark, with the words " DIEU ET MON DROITE. FOUR PENCE, Discount 20 per Cent." And there stands the common informer, the Justice of the Peace, the Commissioner of Stamps, and the KING'S Attorney-General, ready to pounce upon and crush whoever they can catch, who may dare to "publish news, or information, or intelligence, or ang observations or comment thereon, on any matter in Church or State,"

without the obnoxious red mark,—the ominous French motto, -the Fourpence, and the discount.

A reasonable and honest man-a man who had any desire to promote the well-being of his kind, would say, why this information, &c., are the very things which distinguish a man from a beast, these are not things to be interdicted, these are the things to be promoted.

Thousands do, indeed, say this publicly

many Members of the House of Commons, and some even of the Lords, hesitate not to say it privately; yet few indeed are they who will say it in their places as Legislators.

How is this? it may be asked. How does it happen that such men, men who are ashamed of the disgrace, make so little exertion, or refrain altogether from any exertion, to remove the disgrace? How is it that such men suffer evil to be done continually, without doing their utmost to remove the disgrace. How is it that they who are not behind the well-informed men of the age are thus supine? How is it that they suffer ignorance to remain and degradation and crime to follow in its train? The answer is not difficult. They are beset by others less intelligent but generally more active; by those who bolster up their ignorance with their impudence, abash and benumb better men than themselves who are unwilling to be continually annoyed, outvoted, and laughed at by their inferiors. And thus it is that the Commons' House is kept so far behind the better informed men of the age.

There is one class, unfortunately a large class, which must be noticed here. It is composed of influential persons, who care nothing for the common People, who never speak of them but with contumely, and never desire that they should receive information on any subject which does not tend to qualify

them to pursue some employment tending to the gratification or convenience of themselves; this, according to their notions, being the only possible use of their existence.

legis

These men when acting in a lative capacity are the bane of all good Legislation; they are the panders to party, and one of the principal causes of this country having since the Revolution of 1688 been governed by one or other of the two great factions of Whigs and Tories, between whom a careful and faithful account of their actions since the Revolution would shew the difference to be very small indeed.

Circumstances have mightily changed within the last few years. The Tories felt the change, and to some extent conformed to it, but fell short of the Reforms the change had made necessary, and thus lost their power. The Whigs, who in some respects had more intercourse with the People than the Tories, were willing to go somewhat further, and this willingness obtained for them the support of the People.

But since the passing of the Reform Bill, even the good measures they proposed have been accompanied by so much of doubt, and such as been the disinclination exhibited in respect to others, and especially to the Amendment of the defects of the Reform Bill, such their apprehension of producing a collision with the Lords, by proposing measures favourable to the People, that their popularity has declined. Their supineness has made the People but too careless of consequences, and the Tories are every day reducing their small majority in the House of Commons, and will probably succeed in destroying it altogether.

Conduct more energetic on the part of Ministers, would have been met with corresponding enthusiasm on the part of the People, and fixed them firmly in their seats. Happily, the onward

march of society will not permit the long continuance in office of the Tories, should they succeed in ousting the present Administration; nor can any Administration, however composed, reasonably hope to continue in office unless it be resolute in its determination to promote Reforms, and that too, with good will so unequivocally expressed, as to satisfy the People of their sincerity, which a reluctant, wavering conduct never can accomplish.

We must therefore expect continual changes of men in office, until, by the growing intelligence of the People, material alterations have been effected in all the political institutions of the country.

It is the fear of promoting or favouring these changes which causes the imbecile conduct of the Whigs, who do not appear to understand that such conduct is much more likely to precipitate the changes they dread, than would a straight-forward avowal of their determination to promote such Reforms as cannot much longer be held back, let who will be Ministers.

Not long since, circumstances appeared to many as particularly inauspicious; they are now acknowledged to be much more auspicious, and the power of the Tories to do mischief is much less dreaded. Still it is quite certain that whatever of good can be gained must be at the expense of much toil and trouble; and it therefore becomes the duty of every one who wishes well to his fellow men, cheerfully to take upon himself his share of the trouble, to endure the labour willingly, and never to cease his exertions so long as any real good remains unattained. No one who admits the foregoing facts will expect that any important grievance will be removed until a disposition has been generally shown by the People to desire its removal. People are as yet much too credulous