[ADVERTISEMENT.] JUST PUBLISHED, No. I. of THE LONDON LONDON REVIEW, A QUARTERLY Political and Literary Journal. WITH the usual attention to Literature and Art, the LONDON REVIEW will have for its principal object the promotion and discussion of Political Reforms. It has been projected under the belief that the numerous and increasing portion of the Public, who consider the institutions and opinions transmitted to us from our ancestors to require great changes in order to adapt them to the present age, feel the want of a Periodical Publication of a different character from any that at present exists. The Conductors of the LONDON REVIEW will make it their aim to cherish the growing spirit of progressive Improvement, and to assist in giving it the most beneficial direction, by laying the foundation of improved Practice in improved Principles. The FIRST NUMBER contained Articles upon-The State of the Nation-New South Wales-Municipal Corporation Reform-Recent Spanish Literature: Works of Martinez de la Rosa-Professor Sedgwick on the Studies of Cambridge-South America-Tithes and their Commutation-Lord Mount Edgcumb's Musical Reminiscences-Poetry of the Poor: Ebenezer Elliott's Poems-The Ballot, a Dialogue-Postscript. The SECOND NUMBER will be published in July, and will contain Articles upon -Church Reform-Parliamentary Representation-The State of PortugalOn Dreaming-Tennyson's Poems--On Canada-On Crabbe's Works-Military Reform, &c. &c. LONDON: Published by Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., Stationers' Hall Court, Ludgate street; LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN LONGLEY, From the Steam Press of C, & W. REYNELL, 16 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket. THE STAMPED PRESS OF LONDON, AND ITS MORALITY. THE SINCERITY OF TORY PROFESSIONS IN FAVOUR OF CORPORATION REFORM. BY J.A.ROEBUCK, M.P. [PRICE THREE HALFPENCE.] THE STAMPED PRESS OF LONDON, AND ITS "Before the gates there sat On either side a formidable shape; But ended foul in many a scaly fold A hideous peal; yet when they list would creep, If aught disturbed their noise, into her womb And kennel there; yet there still barked and howled Within unseen." THE Periodical Press has done good service to the cause of the people; it also has been the cause of no slight evil; and in the present posture of political affairs, its evil tendencies are likely daily to increase. The good done by the Press has arisen from the rapid manner in which it communicates intelligence; from the mode in which it has made all the acts of those who have authority over us subject to public opinion, by bringing them constantly and immediately before the public. Those, too, who conduct the Press have the opportunity, if they be honest and intelligent, of constantly illustrating sound and important principles by the occurrences which they daily relate. There can hardly be imagined a more important, a more truly dignified office, than that of a teacher of the people through the means of the Periodical Press. His powers and opportunities are greater than those of any other class of teachers. He has an immense audience, and by constant repetition he is able to produce a certain and lasting effect. New ideas cannot be introduced by any sudden or singular effort, however powerful or well directed-it is the dropping of the water on the stone, the line upon line, the precept upon precept, that brings about important changes. The people can be effectually moved only by being constantly addressed. It is clear, however, that this powerful instrument may be used for evil as well as beneficial purposes. The constant repetition even of a falsehood will produce its effect. "Tell a man, every day for a whole year, that black is white, and he will end in believing you." This was said as an epigram, but an important truth is suggested by the exaggeration. The newspaper that comes to our table every morning, whether we commence by agreeing with it, or not, will eventually materially influence our opinions. The truth or the error that is constantly repeated to us will both From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 16 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket have a great chance, in time, of gaining falsehoods respecting individuals classes, or to be abusive. our assent. When we consider the importance of this power, we cannot fail to inquire under what responsibilities it ought to be exercised. It is evident that no man who understands his own nature, and at the same time desires what is honest, would willingly assume this power with all its many tempta tions, without surrounding it, even for his own sake, with all the checks and guards which the nature of the power permitted. We are accustomed to check and subject to serious and efficient responsibility the public officers who have trust and authority over us, We do this, not because we peculiarly distrust those who are thus intrusted with authority, not because we desire to cast a slur upon them, but because we know that all irresponsible power will, in the end, be abused; and because no reasonable man expects to find in public functionaries a miraculous virtue, which, unaided, can resist a constant and powerful temptation. But what trust is there more important than the one confided to him who is to have a daily influence upon the opinion of the people --what trust more surrounded by temptation-what trust so likely to be, and in reality, so easily abused? Reputation, private and public-the happiness of individuals and classes-is at the Here mercy of the Periodical Press. and there you may find a man who laughs at the paper pellets which the Press can shoot, but this is a rare fortitude, and let a man be ever so careless respecting it, his anxious and timid friends (and what man has not timid friends) will annoy him by constant declarations of their fears. What, then, are the guards which a wise people would put around the Press? or And the moral code of the people may regard it as a great and heinous offence in any one to hazard unjust or untrue assertions respecting individuals or classes. The legal restraints, however, must of necessity be insufficient, or too stringent. If the law attempt to restrain abuse, by punishment, it necessarily will bring within its grasp the honest and necessary expression of opinion. If it simply confine itself to punishing falsehood, it will not reach the whole evil. Much mischief may be effected, and no such falsehood be uttered as the law can properly lay hold of. Legal restraints, therefore, must prove either directly mischievous, or wholly insufficient. The chief, the only really efficient and proper guard, is public opinion. In private life, persons who indulge in calumny are shunned-they who utter falsehoods are banished from societyand thus a very efficient check is maintained upon private slander and malice. Every man that repeats a story is answerable for it; he is bound either to find an author for it, or to be responsible for repeating it. Thus for every story, if it be properly dealt with, a responsible owner can be found, and this responsibility is amply sufficient to restrain lying and slandering within such limits as to be comparatively harmless. In private life, also, there is the additional safeguard arising from every man being able to tell his own story. If A says anything against B, B has the power of replying to A: one man is exactly upon the footing of another, and this equality defends all. The English people call themselves a wise people. They are very much in The guards which it is possible to set the habit of praising their laws, instituaround the Press are legal and moral tions, and manners, and they delight in the name of a civilized nation; and yet, guards. The law may render it penal to tell in this most important case, their laws, their institutions, and their manners seem to have been specially framed so as to render the Periodical Press an instrument of mischief. The law, for example, has spread so wide a net for those who may choose to criticise any matter, or thing, or person, that no one could hazard rebuke if the law were put in force. You may not say anything that has a tendency to induce a man to commit a breach of the peace; neither may you say anything that has a tendency to bring the authorities, the law, or our religion into contempt. If the judge and jury please, this may be made to include anything and everything. The law being thus oppressive, no man who has a regard for his character likes to employ it, for who shall touch pitch and not be defiled? In the hopes of restraining what legislators have been pleased to term the licentiousness of the Press, they have made a monopoly for it-that is, have given to certain persons only, the right of saying pretty much what they like, and have thus increased the evil. if the reply could circulate side by side with the falsehood, the mischievousness of the falsehood would, in great measure, be destroyed. If abuse could be answered as easily as it is uttered, the evil of it would be small. For Thus far the law does mischief; our manners lend an additional and fearfully mischievous efficiency to the evil tendencies of the Press. We are accustomed to sanction anonymous newspapers-wholly beyond the reach of law, the papers thus are placed beyond the reach of opinion also; and the irrespnsible and hidden editor-irresponsible because hidden-says things in his character of editor, which he would be utterly ashamed to utter as a private gentleman. Besides, from the very mystery attached to the anonymous character, the assertions made in a newspaper assume a potency wholly unjustified by their intrinsic merit. Said under the guise of the "we" of the editorial writer, assertions are respected and listened to, which if they were known merely to be the sayings of Mr A. or B. would be wholly disregarded. The consequence of this combination of circumstances is, that half a dozen nameless, obscure, and often very unworthy persons, assume the direction of public affairs, and deal as they list with private and public reputations. Another necessary consequence is, that the temptations to which these persons are subjected become too great for their unaided, irresponsible, virtue, They allow themselves, from mere private pique, to assert the gravest and most unjust charges against individuals; for party purposes they hazard the most outrageous falsehoods; and for money they sell themselves-consciences, abilities, and industry. There are one or two exceptions to this statement; some few of the editors do really consider their duty a great and responsible one, and are scrupulous as to their assertions; but the great mass are such as I have here described them. There is another circumstance connected with our manners which also contributes greatly to degrade the morality of the writers for the periodical Press. In our aristocratic country a newspaper editor is not deemed a gentleman; and, if any person be generally and avowedly known to be the editor of a paper, he would lose caste if he were previously considered of the class gentleman. This renders it incumbent on gentlemen, who become editors of newspapers, carefully to keep from the circle in which they move all knowledge of the fact, and though it way sometimes be whispered that Mr A. is the editor of such a paper-men avoid alluding to it, as they would avoid alluding, in the presence of his brother, to a man who had been hanged. Having carefully watched for some years, the effect of a Press thus situated upon the morals, and on the political as well as social well-being of my country, I determined to the utmost of my ability and in my vocation to attempt a reformation of this great and growing evil. It appeared to me, as well as to many others, that if we could destroy the monopoly of the Press, we should go far to effect the reform desired: that is, we should make one step towards it. Besides breaking down the monopoly, I desired also to create that responsibility which arises from publicity. The Press renders every thing public, but itself. The men, whose means of doing good, is the making things known to the public, hide themselves. They are like physicians who avoid their own remedies. I desire, however, to make the public, if possible, suspicious of all anonymous political writers What is it keeps the judges in Westminster Hall at all honest? It is the fact that their doings are made known to the public. Shut up the hall of justice, exclude the public from all knowledge of what is done there, and injustice would soon be rife over the land. But the judges, called newspaper editors are thus hidden from the public gaze. They work in secret, and their deeds, as far as their morality is concerned, are little better than those of the Venetian Council of Ten. With the intention of breaking up the monopoly of the Newspaper Press, I have done my utmost to forward the repeal of the stamp duties on newsOf late, many persons, of papers. whom I was one, have been particularly active in this matter, and it is pretty clear, that the newspaper monopoly totters to its fall. To lose power and money is not agreeable to these people, though the power be mischievous, and the money dishonestly obtained. The Press, therefore, determined to make an effort; and one set of them presented a petition to parliament in which they explained, among other things, that, if the stamps were taken. off, not only would the diffusion of knowledge be seriously obstructed, but that the periodical press would be degraded in its character, and descend from the high and honorable position it now held. On the reading of this petition, I took occasion to remark in substance, that I thought it impossible to degrade the character of the periodical Press— as now it appeared to me, that it was corrupt, base, and cowardly. I said this, I observed, without reference to party, for all parties were alike, as far as regarded the Press. From the highest to the lowest there was corruption. That a despotism more dangerous could not be imagined. The press struck at reputations, and no one knew from whom the blow came. Το me it appeared, that now, under the monopoly, they were corrupt and base, and as cowardly as they were corrupt.* • The following report from the Spectator is the most correct version of what I said. It is evident, that the Spectator writer did not read this report, but was guided by the morning papers. I should remark, also, that the reporters put in exclamations of objection, as if made by members-none such were made. I was warmly cheered, indeed by the Tories, when I included all parties alike. My intention was to do so. Calumny is not confined to Tory, Whig, or Radical. They all indulge in it, though, as I have explained in the text, my charge was not made against every individual of the press, but against the Press as a whole. is impossible, that such clear-sighted persons, as enlightened editors, do not comprehend this distinction. "Mr Roebuck said It "This petition contained extraordinary and self-contradictory statements. The petitioners talked of the high character of the newspaper press of this country. Now, there never was a press so degraded, so thoroughly immoral, as the newspaper press of this country. A despotism of the basest and most cowardly description was exercised by persons connected with newspapers, who were ready on every occasion to ruin the public reputation of individuals, in articles to which they did not dare to put their names. Anything so perfectly cowardly in feeling, and so despotic in execu tion, could not be instanced as the conduct of the newspaper press of this country; and they were told, forsooth, of the high character of that press! If the Stamp-duties were taken |