very far his inferiors. It is well known that Croker, with no more knowledge of naval affairs than he had acquired by coming to London, without being "trundled," as one of his countrymen said, "across the channel in a wheelbarrow," took a vast deal of that kind of knowledge upon trust, or acted as if he possessed it. This frequently disgusted officers who had spent their lives in the service, and were full as likely to know something of the navy as Mr. Croker. Among these was his Royal Highness, who open and candid as he was by nature, it is said, did not hesitate to express at times his feelings on the subject, not where he thought it would be repeated. Busy eavesdroppers did, as is usually the case, promulgate what his Royal Highness had said. Thus the feeling on both sides, so says report, was not that of the most perfect esteem. It happened that Croker was one day at the Pavilion, when the Duke of Clarence was there. George IV. was walking in the drawing-room, the Duke of Clarence and some others formed a group at a table conversing about the navy. On some remarks made by Mr. Croker, the Duke said, "Croker were I King, I'd be my own First Lord of the Admiralty, and you should not be my secretary;" to which Croker answered, "Then I must do the best I can now I am secretary; but does your Royal Highness recollect what King of England was his own First Lord of the Admiralty?" The Duke replied in the negative.. "Why, it was James II," said Croker, in his pert manner. The King, who was approaching that table, hearing the laugh go round at this speech of Croker's, said, "What, Croker, what is that? One of your good things, I suppose?" No, and please your Majesty-nothing, but your royal brother is saying what he will do when your Majesty is no longer King." George IV. turned round and walked away, making no reply to this impertinent answer, which gained Mr. Croker a reprimand from his Majesty before he left the roval residence the next morning.

That the non-employment of his Royal Highness in the service to which he belonged was not entirely the act of his royal father, has been repeatedly stated, that there is every

reason to think it correct. It was said that the experiment ɔi placing the Duke of York at the head of the army in active service, during the last war, had been so unsatisfactory, that the ministry was not inclined to make trial of a princely commander in the naval department of the public service, The experience, however, of a sailor's six years actual service at setting out, is a very different thing from a military commander made on the parade.

Mr. Canning's ministry was marked by no finer stroke of policy towards dashing the hopes of the party so splenetic towards him, than in making the Duke of Clarence Lord High Admiral. The navy was highly pleased to see the Duke displace Lord Melville at the Admiralty; and his Royal Highness gained much on the public, professionally and otherwise, by the steps he took upon entering on an office which had lain dormant for a hundred and thirty years. The Duke, however, was not a member of the Cabinet, as the head of the Admiralty is generally; perhaps from his being thought too closely connected with the Crown. His Royal Highness nominated the Hon. Captain R. C. Spencer as his secretary, the author of the Nautical Catechism. The Duke held levees, and accepted the presidence of several societies formed for public objects. He made an excursion along the southern and western coasts in the Royal Sovereign yacht, visiting the seaports, and doubling the Land's End to Milford, where the news of the death of Mr. Canning reached the ears of his Royal Highness. During the short and imbecile Administration of Lord Goderich, the Duke retained his office, and became deservedly popular. About the same time died the Queen of Wurtemburg of dropsy, just after a visit made to this country for medical advice, at the age of sixty-three.

At an entertainment given in the city in November by the Lord Mayor, a large chandelier, of considerable weight, fell to the floor with great force. Fortunately no one was directly beneath it, or they must have been crushed by its weight. The Duke received a slight bruise only, which a position of a foot or two in a different direction from that in which he sat would have rendered fatal. The intelligence of

the victory of Navarino, which the Duke of Wellington styled, an "untoward event," was received by the Duke on the 20th of November. It is said that his Royal Highness wrote a note to Sir Edward Codrington, on his setting sail, concluding in the old naval phraseology, "Now go it, Ned!"

The utter destitution of Lord Goderich in every quality adapted for a Prime Minister, caused his speedy resignation, and a temporary return to the old political system, under the Duke of Wellington's Premiership, although not long before he declared he must be mad to think of filling such a post. The Duke of Clarence was obliged to resign his office of Lord High Admiral in September. It was natural to suppose the Duke of Clarence would be an obstacle in the way of a complete return to the old system of government; and objections were soon raised by the Premier to certain expenses in the department of the Admiralty, the tendency of which was, to make his Royal Highness resign, in order to place Lord Melville in his old situation, which, under the old order of things, before the administration of Mr. Canning, seemed so snugly vested in the family of Dundas. The Duke of Clarence retired into private life again.

The Catholic question was now agitated, and the Duke of Wellington, as what he considered the least of the evils before him, determined to concede the point. His Grace knew the pliancy of many of the furious protestors against this liberal and necessary measure, and that the King's repugnance was difficult to be overcome. At last the Royal assent to the measure, retarded by intrigues against it, and by some individuals near the Royal person, gave the Premier a very difficult task. It was so late before the Duke of Wellington could succeed, that the measure hung upon a note despatched to Sir Robert Peel in the Lower House, after the sitting commenced-"You may go on." The Duke of Clarence, who upon this subject had always exhibited just opinions, made the following speech:

His Royal Highness began by saying, "That he rose in consequence of an expression that had fallen from his noble friend who had just sat down, His noble friend had said that

his Majesty's Ministers were unanimous on this question, and that those who had been generally opposed to it had become its advocates. It was this observation which called on him to address their Lordships on this occasion, which was nearly connected with the internal state of Ireland, rather than in the petitions of those who appeared to know little or nothing about the situation of that country. It was remarked by his noble friend, that his Majesty's Ministers were now unanimous on a question relative to which they were hitherto divided. He wished to God that his Majesty's Ministers had been unanimous on that question long ago; or, he rather wished that an united Administration could have been formed in 1804, for the purpose of carrying this measure; for, from that hour to the present, his opinion had invariably been, that what was falsely called concession,' because he maintained that what was asked for was not concession, it was merely an act of justice to raise the Roman Catholics from their present state of degradation. It was that, and nothing more. And when an Act was passed for that purpose, he would pledge his life that it would have the effect of uniting and quieting eight millions of his Majesty's subjects. Now he was on his legs, he would state his opinions as shortly as he could, reserving to himself the right to support the noble Duke and his colleagues, when he saw them so unjustly and infamously attacked. If his Majesty's Ministers, fortunately for the good of their Sovereign and of their country, were at length united with reference to a measure of great consequence, he did, from the bottom of his heart, thank the noble Duke for having effected such a union; and he would support, as he ought, a measure which he most deeply and decidedly believed to be favourable to the best interests of the country. For forty years he had enjoyed the honour of a seat in that House, and during that time he trusted in God that he had never given a vote at which he need blush; but unquestionably he never had given a vote with so much pleasure and satisfaction as he should feel in supporting the contemplated measure. He congratulated all Europe on his Majesty's corduct, in recommending

the subject to the consideration of Parliament. He did so, because every man of common sense must see that the settlement of this question would be beneficial to the interests of England; and he would maintain, that the interests of Europe were closely connected with the interests and prosperity of England. Every thing which operated to the preservation and security of British interests operated also to the benefit of the general interests of Europe. He looked upon the measure which was about to be proposed, as one of the most important for this country that could possibly be conceived. He was happy that the noble Duke was selected by his Majesty to effect this great object. He rejoiced to find him placed in his present situation; and so long as he acted as his colleagues had hitherto done, so long should the noble Duke and his Majesty's Ministers have his hearty vote. When he thought it was right. to tender his resignation, which his Majesty was graciously pleased to accept, he, in the only conversation he ever had. with the noble and learned Lord on the woolsack (Lyndhurst) told him that he never would join in a factious opposition to Ministers, but that, on the contrary, he should feel it to be hist bounden duty to give them his support, when their measures. appeared to be calculated for the benefit of the empire; and he trusted that no action of his had belied the declaration. Nothing but the absolute conviction of the important crisis at which the country had arrived, and a strong desire to support the Administration, could have induced him to come forward. on this occasion. The noble Duke and his colleagues had acted openly, boldly, firmly, and valiantly; and he thought it but an act of justice, thus publicly before God and man, to declare his sentiments with respect to their conduct. Professionaly educated as he had been, it had fallen to his lot to have visited Ireland, and he should be the most ungrateful of men, if he forgot the reception he had there met with. During all his experience, he could bear testimony to the character, the energy, the bravery, and thorough good humour of Irishmen."

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