pute; that I then was of opinion that, if it was found right to grant the claims of the Catholics, they might be granted with more safety to the general interests of the Protestants and of the whole Empire, and even, if rejected, they might be rejected with less danger to the tranquillity of Ireland, than if that country had continued under a Local Legislature. I thought, too, that such concessions might have been granted by a United Parliament, under such guards and securities for our Civil and Ecclesiastical Constitution, as would entirely remove the danger which many apprehended might arise through so great a departure from the policy of former times, as would render the boon safe to the country, effectual to those who received, innocent to those by whom it was conferred, and conducive to the strength, unanimity, and prosperity of the Empire. Such were my sentiments formerly such are they now, if, from a concurrence of circumstances, it were expedient now to grant them and if, by a wish, I could carry such a mea, şure into effect, I am ready to confess that I see no rational objection; nor do I entertain those fears which others express, that Catholics would come over here in such a proportion as to render the operation of the measure pregnant with any danger to our Establishment either in Church or State. And unless I were sensible that there are circumstances which must interfere with the accomplishment of the object in the only way in which I conceived it either wise to attempt, or even to agitate the question, I myself should have deemed it my duty to submit it to Parliament. But, likewise, I should have done so only in the confidence that there was such weight and influence in concurrence with me as would facilitate the passing of the measure without such a mixture of opposition, of acrimonious discussion, and contra, riety of sentiment and interest, as would infallibly be highly prejudicial to the public welfare, and inconsistent with the end proposed. At the same time, I do not believe that it could be the wish of the Catho

lics to press forward their claims in any manner that could tend to excite hostilities, to rekindle animosi ties, and to revive jealousies. When I say this, I do not, however, shut my eyes to the argument, that the Catholics would, under any circumstances, endeavour to advance their own religion. That they would disclaim any such view or intention, for a time, sincerely I believe; but that they might fail in that resolution, that they might swerve from that purpose, I also believe. It is the nature of the human heart to lapse into those pursuits which must be grateful to it; and I do not complain because I may apprehend this consequence: and therefore, even allowing every thing for the good intentions, for the sincerity of the Catholics in their declarations, that they have no disposition to avail themselves of any power they may attain, to endanger the Church, or to encroach upon established interests, I do not think it an injurious imputation on them to suppose, that on some future occasion, under the temptation of some favourable opportunity, they might feel that natural wish, and one particularly incident to the Catholic Religion, to aggrandize the principles to which they are attached, and to promote their diffusion. It would have been wise and proper, however, not to have departed from the policy of former times, without adopting new securities for Church and State suitable to the circumstances of the times, and to the novelty of the dangers that might be apprehended; the particular nature of which it is not my intention, because it is unnecessary for me now, to discuss. It would have been proper and necessary, therefore, to have accompanied concessions to the Catholics with new checks and guards for the Established Constitution. I thought these precautions ought to be adopted on different grounds from any inherent suspicion of the Catholics, whose general loyalty I am as willing as any man to admit. I do not consider the late rebellion in Ireland to have been in the strict sense a Catholic rebellion, although it must be ad

mitted that the great majority of those concerned in it were Roman Catholics. Not that I deny that many priests were active agents in promoting it, nor that these priests, being the votaries of those jacobinical principles let loose in France, had the power of swaying the minds of a misguided peasantry to the worst purposes, and actually did avail themselves of that power, to stir up and fan the flame of re bellion in Ireland against His Majesty's Government, for the destruction of the Protestant interest, and the separation of the two Kingdoms. For this reason, it appeared to me desirable to provide checks corresponding to the danger to be apprehended; checks not applying to the Catholics as Catholics, but such tests as would be a security against the principles on which the Rebellion originated. It seemed expedient also, to provide some guards against the evil influence which the bigotry of priests might prompt them to exercise over the lower orders; and for that purpose I was desirous that measures should be adopted to conciliate the priests themselves to the Government, by making them, in some degree, dependent upon it, and thus rendering them links to connect the Government with the lower classes of society, instead of being the means of separation, and agitators, who, by infusing their prejudices, would divide the Catholic from the Protestant, and alienate him from his duty; that, I conceived, would be a wise and liberal system to pursue. But that, in prosecution of this plan, we should act abruptly and inconsiderately, I never intended. We were not to throw at once every thing into confusion; but my idea was to impose checks and guards which, while they secured against the danger of the innovation, would provide additional means of defence for the country, ensure the respect due to the Protestant Clergy, and extend a proper influence to the Roman Catholic communion :--convinced that this question ought not to be entertained so as to divert our attention from those dangers which had threatened, or

those

those that at a future time might threaten the Constitution. I saw that the whole of these views and considerations were to be combined into a system, under which the Catholics would enjoy equal privileges, and the Established Government would be perfectly secure ;-under which the Catholics would be satisfied and the Protestants safe. Looking at the various interests to be conciliated, the different objects to be secured, I was desirous, if possible, to find that concurrence which would have given a fair chance for carrying into effect a well-matured and digested system, without the danger of those obsta cles that might pervert its tendency or defeat its effect. Those, Sir, were my general views on this important subject; and had it been possible to obtain that general concurrence which was necessary to carry such a system into effect, with the assistance of abler men to digest and mature it, instead of weakening, I am confident it would have increased the security of the Establishments in Ireland, both of Church and State. But I beg to state these measures not as the result of any pledge; though I readily admit that they were the consequence of the general scope of the reasonings urged in favour of the Union and that a very natural expectation was entertained, that then the measure would be brought forward immediately after that union. I thought, too, that the 'Protestant interests of Ireland, relieved from the precarious state in which they stood before the Union, finding their cause and their rights consolidated with 'those of the whole Protestants of England, would no longer see in the extension to the Catholics of the privileges claimed, any danger to their properties, to their political or religious liberties; I trusted that it would have been possible, therefore, for ine to bring forward the measure, in conjunction with others, under the best auspices, without any danger of reviving jealousies, of rekindling animosities, and producing those feuds so incompatible with real conciliation, and with the ends proposed.-Unless done

with these advantages, the advantages of the measure, I conceived, would be lost.

Unfortunately, however, Sir, circumstances occurred which prevented me from bringing forward this great measure in the manner I had hoped for, and indeed in the only manner which promised to be at once advantageous to the public, while it rekindled no political prejudices and inflamed no religious animosities; while it accomplished a great national benefit, was accompanied by none of those collateral dangers which many Gentlemen consider so formidable as to render the agitation of the ques tion not at all either politic or expedient. What was generally the nature of these circumstances the House are not ignorant, from what fell from me at the period to which I have alluded. What I then said on this subject is all I can say now, and I cannot enter further into that point. I, for myself, felt it to be impossible, while those circumstances continued, to propose the measure. I speak now for myself. Others must judge, respecting their own conduct, for themselves. I then explained all that appeared to me to be necessary, and at present I do not feel myself called on to give a more detailed explanation. These circumstances certainly did appear to me of a nature which rendered it expedient for me to relinquish the situation I then held in His Majesty's Government; for, consistently with my own feelings, I could not bring forward the question while such circumstances existed, and I could not bring myself to be a party to the agitation, far less to the pressing of a measure, to whose success, there was an irresistible obstacle. For me to have in such a situation pressed the discussion of the question, would have been altogether inconsistent with my own views. The very essence of the system which I meant to propose, was to establish on a permanent basis, tranquillity, union, and peace, among the inhabitants. of Ireland, and to allay the ferment that had too long fatally existed, and to crush all odious jealousies

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and