HOUSE OF COMMONS. MONDAY, MARCH the 25th, 1805. MR. FOX rose to present to the House a Petition on the part of His Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion in Ireland, praying for a repeal of the laws at present peculiarly existing against them. He never, in the course of his political life, was concerned in a more important undertaking than the Petition of the Catholics, nor did he believe a subject more important had been brought before Parliament; he felt great satisfaction in being the instrument of bringing it before that House. Whatever might be the result, which he would not now discuss, it must afford the greatest pleasure to every sensible mind to perceive, that though differences might possibly subsist between individuals of that persuasion, yet the great body of the Catholics had come forward to solicit Parliament in the most respectful language, and their application was of the most temperate and becoming kind. The Petition stated, amongst other things, that the Catholics hope the House will repeal the statutes disqualifying them to sit in Parliament, and to hold certain offices in the State; and that they may be admitted to the full enjoyment of the British Constitution, as well as the subjects of every other part of the kingdom. The Petition being read, (vide Lords.) MR. CARTWRIGHT professed himself friendly to the measure of the Emancipation of the Catholics, as he had always been, yet he was surprised that the subject was brought forward now, knowing, as those who brought the Petition forward must, that the Petition could not succeed in the present circumstances of things, and for reasons that could not but be well known. MR. FOX did not know those reasons. When made known to him, he should then give an answer. He moved that the Petition do lie on the table; which having been agreed to, MR. FOX said, that he would not propose any precise and definitive day for the consideration of the Petition. The situation of the Members for Ireland, occupied, as many of them were understood to be, in business of that country at home, would not admit either of a day being peremptorily fixed, or of that being a near day, whatever day should be fixed. Open to future alteration, he should, however, propose in the mean time, that the Petition be taken into consideration on the 9th of May next. He should probably give the House notice, before the holidays, of the precise day. DR. DUIGENAN wished the Hon. Gentleman to fix it then, peremptorily, for the 9th of May. MR. FOX would have readily fixed it so, but was unable in the present circumstances. The notice stands, accordingly, for the 9th of May next. MR. FOX on a subsequent day deferred his notice till Monday the 13th of May. MONDAY, MONDAY, MAY the 13th. THE Order of the Day being read for taking into consideration the Petition of the Catholics, and the Petition itself being also read by the Clerk, (vide Proceedings in the Lords.) MR. FOX.-"Sir, at the same time that I cannot help feeling a considerable degree of anxiety at being about to bring before the House a subject which, according to my conception of it, seems, in its probable consequences, some nearer and some more remote, to be of the very highest importance; yet, I confess, I feel infinitely less agitated than upon many other subjects on which I have lately had occasion to address you. It is certainly a sort of recreation, if I may be allowed so to express myself, after having been obliged to perform the harassing duties of accusation-after having promoted inquiries into circumstances, certainly not more honourable to the country at large than to the individual concerned in them-after having had my mind so harassed and occupied, to feel that I am not now the mover of accusation, but that I am pleading the cause of my fellow subjects, and that I am endeavouring to add to the strength of the country, without taking from the credit, power, or authority of any living man in the Empire. I cannot help being sensible of the contrast between the duties lately imposed upon me, and that of attempting to draw the attention of the House to a subject, which, however embarrassing the discussion of it may be to some persons, has at least this advantage, that it rests entirely on principles of general affection and good will, connected with views which every man must approve, and no man can condemn. The question, Sir, that I have the honour of bringing before you, and I do feel it a great honour to have been desired to bring it before you, is no less than a Petition, signed not indeed by any very great number of persons, but embracing, and I take it at the lowest calculation, when I say, one-fifth of His Majesty's subjects. (Hear! Hear!) Nay, further, I believe I shall not be incorrect, if I state them at one-fourth of the whole of His Majesty's subjects in Europe. My duty, therefore, calls upon me to plead the cause of 3 or 4,000,000 of the people of Ireland, without reference to the proportion they bear to the population of that part of the Empire, but which must be allowed to contain the greater proportion of the Catholic subjects of His Majesty a proportion amounting to nearer a fourth than a fifth of the whole population of the Empire. I feel particularly fortunate, that when I am pressing the claims of the Catholics of Ireland to the consideration of this House, I am not pressing them as adverse or hos tile to the power or pre-eminence, much less thè liberty or privileges, of the subjects of any other part of the country. If I could persuade the House to do justice to the Catholics, I should persuade them to render a most important service indeed, perhaps the most essential that remains to be done, or that ever was done, for the security, the great ness, and general weal of the empire at large, whe ther with regard to its internal policy, or external relations. It may be somewhat difficult for me to choose on what part of the subject it is most proper to begin. The plain and simple statement of the question, and the first argument in support of it, would naturally be drawn from matter of fact, concerning which no controversy or difference of opinion ever did or can exist; I mean the number of persons who are affected by the question. If I had not heard that different opinions were entertained with respect to to the policy and expediency of granting the prayer of this Petition, I should hardly think it could be a question, whether a portion of His Majesty's subjects, so considerable as nearly one-fourth, should be on a footing with the remainder, or should have the enjoyment of equal laws, privileges, or advan, tages, and the full participation and benefit of the Constitution and Government of the Country? Against the principle so generally stated, cause may be shown, suppositions may be urged, and facts may be referred to, with a view to show that this, as well as any other general principle, may be liable to error. I will not detain the House long upon this point; but it is necessary I should call its attention to a topic, which may be considered more an object of theory than any thing else. I shall trouble the House but shortly, and only explain my opinion, that, whatever difference of sentiment and feeling may exist, that difference is purely theoretical-the question, in point of practical application, is precisely the same, What some call rights, and what others call indulgences, are precisely and exactly the same. The differences are rather differences between words than things.-There are two modes of considering this question; Ist, as it regards the rights of the subject; and 2dly, as it affects the rights of the Crown. That which was most in fashion at different periods of the last century, was the latter mode of viewing it. For my own part, I do consider the rights of the people governed to be the prominent rights. I consider, that those who compose the society of a state have a complete and unquestionable right to equality of law; but I do at the same time admit, that this principle is not to be taken generally, I admit the force of the other general maxim, that Salus Populi suprema est Lex, and ought with propriety to be considered as an exception. Not only very able men, but men of practical knowledge, have in their closets considered |