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an exact transcript of the existing Act | vindication of his Bill on two very distinct which their Lordships had already dis- grounds. He has rested it first on the cussed, and approved of on former occa- necessity, in which I cordially concur with sions; the only deviation from it being an him, of maintaining the public credit, and alteration by which tenants occupying land on the consequent impossibility of diswho conceived that their profits were over- pensing with the whole amount of the incharged by what was originally considered come tax in the present state of the rean advantageous arrangement in their venue, at least in the course of the present favour, namely, assessing them upon half year. He has also rested it on another the amount of their rent, would have the consideration, with respect to which I option, admitting the possibility of altered must take leave altogether to dissent from circumstances having made their pro- the noble Marquess, namely, the expedifits fall short of that half of their rent, ency of what he calls developing and furof putting themselves under the schedules ther extending your present commercial of trades and professions, and of proving system, and still further facilitating the to the Commissioners that their profits had importation of those articles of foreign fallen short of the assumed amount. The produce, the extensive, exorbitant, and distressed farmer by this means would unchecked importation of which has alhave the opportunity of making the case ready brought so much ruin on this counof his distress good; and the amount of try. But I am not desirous of taking relief which he would derive would be pro- this opportunity of entering into a general portionate to that distress. He was not discussion of the commercial policy of the aware that it would be practicable, by any noble Marques and of Her Majesty's Goadjustment, to render the operation of the vernment, because we are now, in point tax more equable. Undoubtedly, the tax of fact, in a position in which we have no did press somewhat more heavily on per- option as to the course we should pursue. sons exercising trades and professions than We have brought up to us a Bill, the passon any other class; but it was fair, at the ing of which in some shape is, I am ready same time, to remember that, if they were to admit, necessary for the maintenance of in this respect more heavily burdened, they the credit of the country. Apart from all were precisely that class of persons who, other considerations, I am not the person from the remission of general taxation which to contend, nor ever contended, nor shall I the income tax alone had enabled the Go- now contend, that in the course of this vernment to effect, were now able to get year-nor can I honestly say that in the their provisions cheaper, and to make their course of the next year-will it be incomes go farther as to the amount of possible, in my belief, to dispense with comforts and luxuries which they could pur- the continuance of a certain portion of chase. The income tax was therefore now the income tax. And I hope I need proposed by this Bill to be renewed for one not say for myself, and for those with year, with the view of having the whole whom I act, that no consideration would subject reconsidered; and he could hardly induce us to sanction that rash and reckdoubt that in the present state of the less reduction of taxation which would finances, and having due regard to the leave the Government in a position not to safety of the public credit, as well as to meet the engagements of the State. I the development of the commerce and say that under no circumstances do I manufactures of the country, which were believe we could in the course of the prenow in a rapid state of development, and sent year repeal the whole of the existing which might be carried further still by income tax. Your Lordships are placed persevering in the same course of policy in discussing this subject in a position he could not doubt, he repeated, that on differing from that of the other House of both of these great and important con- Parliament; because when a Bill of this siderations their Lordships would assent to kind is brought before you, you are not in the second reading of the Bill which had a position, with a regard to the privileges come up from the other House of Parlia- of the other House, to amend, or alter, or ment, proposing that the income tax should modify it in the slightest degree. The be continued for one year. The noble single question which is submitted to your Marquess concluded by moving that the Lordships' consideration is this-whether Bill be now read a Second Time. you will adopt the modified income tax now proposed to you for the term of a single year, after the other House of Par

LORD STANLEY said: The noble Marques who has just sat down has rested the

may

liament has avowed its intention of inquir-real or apparent injustice to individuals; ing into the irregularities and imperfec- there must be anomalies in theory, and tions of the measure, or whether you will inequalities in practice. I do not mean reject the Bill altogether, and therewith that the anomalies of the present law reject the means of producing a revenue of not be modified or diminished; but I agree between 5,000,000l. and 6,000,000l., and with the noble Marquess, that by no alteraso convert a surplus of about 2,500,000l. tion of the Bill can you impose a perfectly into a deficiency of a similar amount? Now, just, or even a reasonably just, measure. between these two propositions I conceive It is for this reason I rather agree with the that there cannot be a moment's hesitation. theoretical objections of the noble Marquess In my mind there is none, and I believe to the tax, than I concur in the practical there can be none in the mind of any of adoption of the course which he recomyour Lordships. When I say we are de- mends. I find that Her Majesty's Gobarred from considering any modification vernment seem disposed to continue this of this Bill, your Lordships have a striking anomalous and unjust measure—not as proof of that statement in the fact that originally proposed by the late Sir Robert you are actually compelled to pass the Peel-not as a temporary measure to meet measure in a shape which reflects no credit a temporary deficiency in the revenue-but on the "blundering" legislation of Par- as a real, permanent, and substantial inliament. The noble Earl (Earl Grey) says corporation on the taxation of this country that a "blunder" has been committed in for the purpose of effecting what the noble the Bill, which, while it is proposed that it Marquess calls a development of our existing should be passed for a single year, con- commercial system. That which I take the tains an enactment applicable to the last House of Commons to have decided is this year of that term of one single year; and not that the income tax shall not be rethe noble Marquess (the Marquess of Lans- newed in any case at the expiration of a downe) says that that is a blunder intro-year-not even that if it be found impracduced by the Amendment of an individual ticable to amend or remove the anomalies Member of the other House. Now I must of the present tax, that tax, or at least a take leave to differ from the noble Marquess portion of it, shall not be continued; but upon that point. The blunder is conse- I take the House of Commons to have dequent on the introduction of the Amend- cided, and as I think decided wisely, that ment; but the blunder was not in the they will compel a reconsideration of this Amendment itself. It is a blunder made question at the expiration of one year, and by the Government, who, having acceded that they will not leave the Government to the Amendment, or having had it forced in such a state of security with respect upon them, did not look to the context of to this large portion of the revenue as to the Bill, and did not take care that the induce them to proceed in that reckless remaining clauses of the Bill were in ac- course of disposing of every petty surplus cordance with the Amendment. But we in such a way as indefinitely to postpone must pass this Bill, blundering and non- the period at which the tax might be altosensical as it is, or we must pass no Bill gether done away with. They have decided at all. We must pass this Bill, or leave also, and as I think decided wisely, that the country without a revenue sufficient during the year for which the tax is for the public service. Now I do not hesi- granted, they will inquire whether they tate to say that I, for one, do not feel jus- can mitigate or reduce the many pressing tified in opposing the passing of the Bill; grievances and inequalities of the tax as and between the two alternatives before it now exists. I confess I much revery me, I feel it my duty to assent to the gret the course adopted by the House of adoption of the measure. I must also Commons in one respect. I confess I very concur, to a certain extent, in the opinion much regret that they did not adopt the expressed by the noble Marquess, that do proposal made by a right hon. Friend of what you will, and whatever may be the mine (Mr. Herries), namely, to begin at ingenuity of Committees of this or of the once with getting rid of a portion of this other House of Parliament, it will be im- unjust and oppressive tax, either by an possible, in any manner, so to modify or alteration of those schedules which act amend this tax as to do away with all the most oppressively, or by a reduction pro irregularities and imperfections that must tanto in the whole of the tax. I regret be found in an income tax. However mo-that they did not begin by diminishing the dified or arranged it may be, there must be pressure and amount of the tax, by apply

Lord Stanley

ing to that reduction such an amount of income as might be fairly spared from the surplus revenue of the country, without endangering in the slightest degree the public faith, or the maintenance of the credit of the country. I believe that would have been the sound policy to have pursued. I believe the best course the House of Commons could have taken would have been to have declared that at the earliest possible period the pledge given by Parliament should be redeemed, and that this tax should not be continued for the purpose of enabling Her Majesty's Government to propose an indefinite remission of indirect taxation, and thereby to incorporate direct taxation as a part of the permanent financial system of this country; but that, on the other hand, no reduction should be made more rapidly than was consistent with the maintenance of the public credit. The House of Commons, however, have not taken that course; they have taken the course of recommending that the existing tax should be continued for a period of one year. They have not yet passed any opinion upon the other financial measures proposed by Her Majesty's Government. For my part, if it could lead to any practical result in your Lordships' House, I should be more willing than I am at present to enter into a discussion of the policy which the noble Marquess and his Colleagues seem disposed to pursue of wasting and sacrificing every surplus as it arises, and thereby, while they profess the utmost abhorrence of this tax, ensuring its continuance. The noble Marquess left it to be understood that there was to be an indefinite development, as he called it, of our existing commercial system-an indefinite removal of indirect taxation, and a substitution of direct taxation in its place an indefinite extension and encouragement of the freest possible importation of foreign produce. Now, I say that financially and politically I think you have already carried that free importation of foreign produce to a dangerous and mischievous extent. You are sacrificing a large amount of revenue annually, the possession of which might enable you to deal with the most oppressive description of taxes; and while you are injuring a large body of your own producers in this country and your colonies, you are at the same time sacrificing your revenue, and you are not gaining in the shape of reduction in the price of commodities the whole advantage which could compensate for the loss of re

venue you sustain. I apply this principle to the two cases to which the noble Marquess has referred-to the proposed reductions in the duties on coffee and on timber. My firm conviction is that by this reduction of the differential duty on coffee you will materially injure your colonial producer, and give an undue encouragement to his foreign rival; while you will not secure to the consumer of coffee the advantage of a reduction in price commensurate with the loss of revenue you will sustain. I know the noble Marquess will tell me of the great extent to which the consumption of coffee was increased by the former redeuction of the duty-an increase which I do not deny-I know he will tell me that the present diminution in the consumption of coffee is not to be attributed to the operation of the duty, but is to be ascribed to the large amount of adulteration which prevails in respect of coffee. But that would be only raising another question, upon which I confess the policy of Her Majesty's Government appears to me to be absolutely incomprehensible. They refuse to take the slightest precautions against that adulteration which does not materially affect the higher and richer classes, but which practically enables the retail dealer to impose on the poorer classes of the community an adulterated and frequently a noxious article, while he charges for it the amount which might be fairly charged for the genuine article.

I do not understand the policy of Her Majesty's Government in refusing to remedy this great abuse and this fraud on the humbler classes of consumers; nor do I understand how that evil is in the slightest degree to be remedied; while, at the same time that you continue the present charge on the importation of colonial coffee, and reduce the duty on foreign coffee, thereby sacrificing a considerable amount of revenue, you lower the duty on the very article which is mainly, though not exclusively, used for the purposes of that adulteration. I do not believe that the consuming classes in this country will derive the advantage which you anticipate from the proposed reductions of the duties on coffee and timber; while, on the contrary, it is perfectly clear, with regard to the duty on timber especially, that you will sustain a very considerable loss of revenue. I do not know how far the latest information which the noble Marquess may have received could justify the statement which he made upon that subject; but from the in

formation we have received up to a very weight otherwise I know not why the recent period, there does not appear to be man who resides in a 201. house should any indication of a fall in the price of fo- be subject to the tax, while a man who rereign timber in the slightest degree com- sides in a 107. house, and as such is enmensurate with the reduction of the duty. titled to a vote, should be exempted from In this as in other cases, the price of the it, or how the Government can justify article is rising in the place of its produc- saddling so large an amount of taxation tion, and that which you sacrifice in the upon so small a body, and exempt from it shape of revenue here, goes to a very con- 100,000 out of the 500,000 at present siderable extent to increase the profits of paying it. I think that, without sacrificing the foreign producer. But, as I said before, the revenue, you might have obtained to a I do not mean to enter at present into a great degree the sanitary objects you have general discussion of our commercial policy, in view. I believe that by the conversion as I am aware that such a discussion could of the window tax into a house tax, presslead to no practical conclusion. There is ing on the same amount of property, and one question, however, to which the noble the same number of houses, you might Marquess has referred, on which I wish to have effected the change without any loss say a word. The noble Marquess took to the revenue, and without any injustice great credit to the Government for the re- to individuals; or you might even retain duction of one denomination of direct taxa- for the present the window tax, and enable tion, by which he considers that a great parties who are now liable to that tax to boon in a sanitary sense, as well as in a compound for the present amount, and perfinancial sense, will be bestowed on a large mit them to open hereafter any number of portion of the community. Now, I am not windows they might think proper without going here to say that I believe the mode being subject to the inquisitorial visit of the in which the window tax operates is advan- tax-gatherer. I do regret that Her Matageous, or that it is not fraught with very jesty's Government should be proceeding serious evil; but I do say that when the on what I think a vicious principle, namely, noble Marquess takes credit to himself, that while they profess that the income tax and to Her Majesty's Government, for do- is but a temporary measure only, they ing away with the window tax, I must re- should year by year continue disposing mind him that to a great extent they pro- of every small surplus as it arises; taking pose to charge a similar tax on the same off taxes the relief from which will not be portion of the community, by the substitu- felt; taking off taxes which will be attendtion of a house tax for the window tax, that ed with a loss to the revenue, and conferportion of the community being but a small ring a boon principally on the foreign proportion of the whole population of the ducer, and so continually bringing down country. I believe the window tax was the revenue to balance expenditure, that it chargeable on something like 500,000 is hopeless that in any one year you can houses; while the proposed house tax will have a surplus sufficient to enable you to be chargeable on 400,000 only; and there- remove the income tax. Her Majesty's fore, although there is to be a reduction Government may make what professions in point of amount by the conversion of the they may think fit-they may make what tax, there is still to be a direct tax charged, declarations against the income tax they not upon windows, but upon houses with may please the country will judge of windows in them, exempting a small por- their sincerity not by their professions but tion of the former number. I do not know by their practice; and however strongly why that exemption is made. I know not they may condemn the tax in theory, if why you should sacrifice the revenue for the people of this country see that year by the purpose of exempting just that class year they are taking steps, by their mode who claim to exercise the elective franchise, of disposing of every surplus, which will which has always been supposed to be cor- render it impossible for them to remove relative to taxation. I know not why you that tax, they will come to the not unsacrifice gratuitously the amount of taxa- natural conclusion that, however theoreti tion you might obtain by extending the cally Her Majesty's Government may obtax to all the houses which were subject to ject to it, practically they mean to continue the window tax. That exemption may be it as a permanent tax, and to incorporate very convenient to the constituents of some to a greater extent than has ever yet been of the metropolitan Members, and that in-done a system of direct taxation as the fluence may not have been without its basis of our financial policy. These are

Lord Stanley

the objections which I entertain to the course which is being pursued by Her Majesty's Ministers. I think you ought to have taken steps gradually but certainly to get rid of this tax at the earliest possible moment; but in the position in which your Lordships stand I should be very sorry to take upon myself the responsibility of advising or suggesting to your Lordships that you should reject a Bill which you are not able to amend, and the continuance of which is absolutely necessary for the maintenance of the public credit.

The EARL of MALMESBURY rose for the purpose of asking on what principle of assessment it was intended that the house tax should be collected? If it was proposed that it should be taken on the poor-law assessment, that would be very unequal, for the assessment varied in different parts of the country; and if the assessment to the income tax was taken as the basis of the tax, the inference would be drawn that it was intended to make the income tax perpetual, because no one would expect to see Commissioners appointed for the sole purpose of assessing the house tax. The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE was understood to say that the subject of the noble Earl's question was one which was rather for the consideration of the other House of Parliament; but he was induced to think that the system of parochial assessment now in force would be acted upon in assessing the new tax.

The EARL of MALMESBURY remarked, that if that was to be the system of assessment, a more unjust or tyrannical tax could not be imagined. The local assessments varied greatly in different parts of the country, and sometimes as much as 30, or even 50 per cent. LORD BEAUMONT thought that the noble Earl had fallen into a little mistake, as in all parochial assessments the gross valuation of the property, or rack rent, appeared in the first column. In the second column the rateable value of the property was set down, which was generally a diminution of that put down in the first column. Under the second column an allowance was generally made on the different kinds of real property, and different principles were acted upon in different parishes. He quite agreed with the noble Earl in thinking that if the valuation in the second column were adopted, great injustice would be done, because one portion of the country would pay more than another. But the gross value of the

property would afford materials for a complete and fair valuation, and that was the basis upon which he supposed it was the intention of the Government to proceed.

LORD BERNERS would have felt great reluctance in addressing their Lordships, but that he wished to make a few observations in consequence of the remark which he had heard with much pleasure fall from the noble Marquess who had introduced that measure, and which he had no doubt the country would hear of with equal satisfaction-namely, the admission which he had made that the present Bill had its imperfections, and that it was most desirable it should be made as palatable as possible. It was the bounden duty of the Legislature to enact as good laws as possible, and then to see them properly carried out. There was one point to which he was anxious particularly to call their Lordships' attention. He wanted to know whether there was any mode of preventing or meeting frivolous and vexatious surcharges other than that now provided? The manner in which the present tax was enforced was such as to incur the general disapprobation of every one who was more or less affected by it. It was most necessary that the tax should be rendered more equal and less unjust in its operation.

LORD MONTEAGLE agreed that it was desirable to diminish any oppressive incidence of the tax. He could not concur in the complaints of the noble Lord (Lord Berners) respecting the mode in which it had been collected. On the contrary, he must say that, considering the circumstances of its introduction, and the small experience possessed upon the matter, there not being one Gentleman remaining in office who had been acquainted with the previous tax, nothing could be more praiseworthy than the caution, the moderation, and good sense with which this law had been generally administered. There might be cases such as those to which the noble Lord had referred; but this was one of the incidents to any administration of a property tax; and if it was to exist at all, it would hardly be politic to diminish the powers for guarding against fraud, and for enforcing a tax so easily evaded. He should be sorry, in making this statement, to be considered as one approving of such a tax as this, except upon the ground of necessity. In great exigencies it was to be regarded as our great resource; and when the safety and

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