try would justify. The terms on which the loan had been effected, warranted him in congratulating the house and the country upon the great confidence expressed by the monied persons in the extent and stability of our resources. In this bargain 1007. in money was given for every 1317. 19s. 3d. in stock. The three per cent. consols were taken at 75. As to the income tax, he highly approved of the wisdom which planned this tax, and the spirit which so long supported it; it was to that, in a great measure, that he attributed the comforts we now enjoyed, and our success in the arduous contest we had maintained. After professing great regret at finding it his unavoidable duty to propose new taxes to the amount of the interest of so large a sum as 97,934,4377., he submitted the following taxes to the committee, as likely to be efficacious and as little burdensome as possible to the people:

Malt, Hops, and Beer.

On malt he proposed to lay a tax of 1s. old. in the bushel. On hops, 24d. and 3-20th in the pound, so as to make the hop duty 3d. per lb. On strong beer, he proposed a tax of 2s. a barrel. He was sorry that the price of malt liquor, now a necessary of life, should be raised on the public, but it now became necessary to lay on such taxes as would be likely to be effectual. This tax he calculated at 2,000,000l.

Assessed Taxes.

On this point he proposed not so much to raise a new tax as to incrcase the old one in a ratio of nearly one third. However this

increase might be felt by some, yet it must be recollected, on the other hand, that the pressure of the income tax was now taken off. He calculated this at 1,000,000l.

Exports and Imports.

As to this tax, he proposed it without any regret, and even with pleasure, for it had met the perfect approbation of many of the most intelligent men who had been consulted on the occasion. The convoy duty was now going to be taken off, and this tax substituted in its place. It would be lighter than the convoy duty, and proportioned in such a manner as to do no injury to commerce. Those taxes taken all toge ther amounted to 4,000,000l. which exceeded by near S00,000l. the supply that was wanting.

After having stated the new taxes that would be necessary, he gave an outline of his plan with respect to the consolidated and sinking funds. There were, in fact, two sinking funds now subsisting the first had been created in 1786, by the vote of 1,000,0007. annually for the reduction of the national debt. The second had been created by the resolution of the house in 1792, that one per cent. of every loan to be made in future should go to the discharge of the capital so created. He wished to consolidate these two sinking funds, and enable them to operate jointly on the consolidated debt. Considering the national debt at 500,000,000l. the sum, great as it is, might be discharged in forty-five years. He hoped much that a firm and temperate system, uniting the spirit of conciliation with that of firmness, without ever insulting other nations, would insure a continuance

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tinuance of peace and security. He concluded, by moving a resolution, that 25,000,000l. should be raised by way of loan.

Mr. Whitbread, after many observations on the new taxes which would affect the brewers, approved much of the general principles on which Mr. Addington had rested his hopes of future peace. He approved also highly of the repeal of the income tax; and although the chancellor of the exchequer approved in words of the conduct of his predecessor in finding out this solid system of finance, yet by his actions in renouncing it, he expressed a severe but merited condemnation and sarcasm at the same time.

Mr. Pitt most ably defended his conduct against the attacks of Mr. Whitbread, against whom and his colleagues in opposition he directed some severe attacks, for abandoning their posts in parliament, under the idea of the country being irretrievably ruined, while he himself was introducing this most efficient and solid system of fi

nance.

After a few other observations from different gentlemen, the resolutions were agreed to without a division.

On the 10th of April, in the house of lords, lord Carlisle called the attention of the house of lords to some points which he conceived of the utmost importance to the country. "It was," he said, "understood, at the treaty of Amiens, the interests of the prince of Orange were to have been particularly attended to. A compensation was even stipulated for him in the treaty; but scarcely was that treaty signed, when the French and Dutch

plenipotentiaries retired to a corner of the room, and signed between themselves an article, by which it was expressly provided that Holland was not to contribute, in any way whatsoever, to this compensation. And yet it was notorious to all the world that it was the government of Holland which had plundered the prince of Orange of property to the value of more than 100,000l. annual revenue!" His lordship then proceeded to take notice of other defects in the definitive treaty. The right of cutting logwood was gone. The treaty of Methuen, and the commercial advantages we enjoyed in right of it with Portugal, were at an end. We could no longer navigate to the Dutch spice islands in British bottoms. This was indeed a glorious peace for Holland, in exactly the same proportion as it was shameful to us! His lordship concluded, by calling the particular attention of the house to the indemnities of the prince of Orange, and thought every explanation was due to the house on that subject.

Lord Pelham, not conceiving that any of those points were regularly before the house in discussion, declined, for the present, entering into any explanation on the subject.

Lord Grenville said, it would not be difficult to get over the point of form, by framing a motion suitable to the object of the noble lord's speech. He thought the house ought to address his majesty, beseeching him to suspend the ratification of the definitive treaty till satisfaction was given the country on all those great objects which he had before called their attention to, and to some of those points the

noble

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noble lord had so properly adverted. He still considered, as the most important point to be settled, that the treaty of 1787 should be renewed. Without such renewal he thought our governments in India could not stand. Independent of this most unportant consideration, there was one point of commerce alone, in which we would lose half a million annually in consequence of the nonrenewal of the treaty. France might, for the future, supply the Bengal provinces with salt. His lordship concluded without making any specific motion, but trusted that ministers would give as much information as their duty would allow them on these important topics.

After these observations, no motion having been made, the house passed to the order of the day.

In the house of commons, on the 12th of April,

Sir Francis Burdett brought forward his promised motion for an inquiry into the conduct of the late administration. He considered that this was the time to examine the accounts of blood and treasure so wantonly lavished during the late war. It was a time to examine what was the object of it, if fixed object it ever had. It appeared to him to have been a war against the liberties, properties, laws, constitution, manners, customs, habits, and characters of the English nation. It professed to resist innovation, and it introduced the greatest innovations which were ever known in this country, and he firmly believed it was to produce this change that the war had been undertaken by the late minister. He thought that "his sounding steps would not be heard amidst the din of war." Sir Francis, at great length, and with

much severity, commented on all the measures of the late adminis tration, which he represented in the strongest language as contrary to the constitution, laws, and independence of this country, and to have led to the destruction of its safety, freedom, and honour. He then dwelt at considerable length on the affairs of Ireland, and on the old complaints respecting Cold-bath prison and governor Aris, and concluded by moving that the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole house to inquire into the conduct of the late administration, at home and abroad, during the war.

Mr. Sturt seconded the motion.

Lord Temple rose to reply to the speech of the honourable baronet; a speech in which he considered there was more assumption and less argument than in any he had ever heard delivered in that house. The honourable baronet had advanced no new topic upon the present occasion; he had only again gone over grounds, upon which the opinion of the house had been taken over and over again. He still persisted in considering the war as a war of aggression on our part, although it had been repeatedly and most clearly proved, that its object was to repel that system of jacobin principles and jacobin policy which threatened the overthrow of every civilized government, and was more particularly directed against the British constitution. He considered the speech of the honourable baronet as much better calcu lated for a tavern audience than for that house. When he talked of bastiles with such vehemence, he would remind him, that at the destruction of the bastile there was only found in it one poor prisoner,

whereas

whereas since, every castle in France has been converted into a prison to immure the wretched inhabitants of that country. As to the hon. baronet's opinion of the views of the United Irishmen, that opinion had been completely contradicted by the declarations of Arthur O'Conner and the rest of his confederates. As to his relation (Mr. Pitt), he most sincerely believed him to have been the saviour of the country, and the real author of its strength, energy, and present prosperity.

Mr. Archdale replied to sir Francis, principally on his statement of Irish affairs: as to the conduct of the last administration in Ireland, he said that was an administration of self-defence; it was assailed by rebellion and civil war, and was obliged to repel force by force. He particularly approved of the government of lord Westmoreland, in whose time he said the people of Ireland had received more benefits than under any former administration. He then spoke of the jacobin party of this country, a party which once was troublesome, and might still have been formidable, if, in the course of this war of principles they had not been defeated by arguments as well as by facts, and driven into obscurity, amidst the indignation of the public. After some general and very high panegyrics on the conduct of Mr. Pitt, he said that he could on his part address the honourable baronet in these words:

"Disce, puer, virtutem ex me, verumque laborem "Fortunam ab aliis

He concluded by saying, that if he had given a silent vote on this occaion, he himself would stand impeached by his own conscience.

Lord Belgrave said, that if the motion had been simply for an inquiry into the conduct of the late ministers, he should not have proposed the amendment he now meant to submit to them; but as the motion was introduced with such violent observations, he thought it would be but manly in the house to express their decided disapprobation; he therefore moved an amendment, that after the word "that," in sir Francis's motion, the remaining words should be left out, and an insertion in their place of the thanks of the house to his majesty's late ministers.

Some conversation took place between his lordship and the speaker, about the regularity of such an amendment.

Mr. Pitt requested the noble lord would withdraw his amendment, as although he felt it was most kindly meant, yet the house had had no notice of this amendment, which was in fact a separate and distinct motion. He thought it would be better for the house to consider fairly the question before it.

Lord Belgrave consented to withdraw his amendment.

Alderman Combe said a few words on the income tax, and denied that any approbation of it had ever come from the city of London in its corporate capacity.

Mr. Ellison opposed the motion, and considered that it was to the late ministers we were indebted for the security we now enjoy.

Mr. Bouverie supported the original motion, which was opposed by sir Robert Baxter and Mr. Alexander.

Sir William Elford opposed the motion: he said there was not a word in the honourable gentleman's

speech

speech that did not more strongly apply to the parliament of the country than to the late ministers. He was sorry the forms of the house prevented the question being put on the amendment.

The house then divided; for the motion 39, against it 246.

Lord Belgrave then gave notice, that on a future day he should again bring forward distinctly, in the shape of a motion, the amendment he had moved this night.

On the 13th of April, in the house of commons, the Secretary at War rose, and presented the outline of that plan which had been formed by his majesty's government for the regulation of the militia. While his majesty's ministers intended to preserve a system combining conciliation with firmness, and avoiding every sort of irritation which might lead to the renewal of war, yet they must be always prepared to defend the country against every attack. France, which was by much our strongest neighbour, was very much increased of late in her territories and military strength; it had in fact taken much more of a military form, and for the future Britain would be looked upon with a soldier's eye. It was therefore necessary for us to adopt precautions against the consequences of a future war. It was necessary therefore for us to cultivate a military spirit in this country. He trusted that his majesty was now possessed of as able and experienced officers for disciplining his army as there were in Europe. We never possessed a greater number of brave and skilful officers than had been bred up in the last war, many of them too in the flower of their age. Although the state of the regular army was, as might be expected

from the exertions of the royal duke who commanded it, most formidable, yet, in considering our peace establishment, it was necessary to consider the number and oranization of the militia: he thought the militia should not be less than 70,000, of which he was happy to state that Scotland would contribute 10,000. Of the 60,000 which were to form the militia of England, he thought the best way would be to call out but 40,000 in the first instance, the remaining 20,000 when occasion should require. The Scotch militia he wished to be called out in the same proportion. He then entered into the detail of the different improvements his majesty's ministers intended to introduce into the militia system. The question being put,

Mr. Sheridan returned thanks to the right honourable gentleman for his very clear statement. He agreed in much the greater part of what had fallen from him. He agreed that at the present time every retrenchment that was consistent with prudent precaution ought to be made. In regulating our military establishment, it was necessary to consider the great establishment of our formidable rival. He had ever been a determined friend to the militia system, which he considered the constitutional defence of the country, and nothing had given him more regret than to see the system endangered by the practice of drafting from the militia force into the regular army this was in fact making mere drill sergeants of the noblemen and gentlemen whose influence and attention had raised the militia regiments and disciplined them. The honourable member then, after paying the highest compliments