feared, therefore, that the doings of the convention would end in a failure, and perhaps in the disgrace of the delegates. They, who were perplexed with apprehensions of this sort, were unwilling that the brilliant reputation of Washington should be put to the hazard of being tarnished by an abortive experiment, and believed the interests of the country, required it to be held in reserve for a more fitting opportunity. These obstacles, formidable for a time, were at last removed. Congress took the subject into consideration, and recommended to the States to send delegates to the convention for the purposes mentioned in the Annapolis report. Thus the measure was sanctioned by law. Congress likewise appointed the second Monday in May, as the day for the delegates to assemble at Philadelphia. The time was fixed with reference to the meeting of the Cincinnati, which was to be a week earlier, whereby General Washington would be enabled to join his brethren of that fraternity, should he think proper, and explain his motives for declining to be again elected president.

After these proceedings, and after it was found that the more enlightened part of the community very generally approved the scheme of a convention, his friends everywhere urged him to accept the appointment as one of the delegates from Virginia, and he acceded to their wishes. Another circumstance had much influence in bringing him to this decision. It began to be whispered, that the persons opposed to the convention were at heart monarchists, and that they were glad to see the distractions of the country increasing, till the people should be weary of them, and discover their only hope of security to consist in a strong government, as it was gently called, or, in other words, a constitutional monarchy; for no one was ever supposed

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to dream of a despotic power in America. It has been said and believed, that a small party, in despair of better things, actually meditated such a project, and turned their eyes to some of the royal families in Europe for a sovereign suited to control the jarring elements of republicanism in the United States. However this may be, it is certain that no imagined remedy could have been more severely reprobated by Washington. We have seen with what a stern rebuke the proposal to be a king was met by him, even when he literally had the power of the nation in his hands. From the beginning of the revolution to the end of his life, he was an uncompromising advocate for a republican system. In the abstract he regarded it as the best; and he had faith enough in the virtue of the people, and in the efficacy of their former habits, to convince him that it might be successfully established. At all events, he was for having the experiment thoroughly tried; and his whole conduct proves, that, in regard to himself, he was ready to risk his reputation, his property, and his life, if necessary, in a cause so momentous to the welfare of his country and to the social progress of mankind.

He did not go to the convention unprepared for the great work there to be undertaken. His knowledge of the institutions of his own country and of its political forms, both in their general character and minute and affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long experience, was probably as complete as that of any other man. But he was not satisfied with this alone. He read the history and examined the principles of the ancient and modern confederacies. There is a paper in his handwriting, which contains an abstract of each, and in which are noted, in a methodical order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority they

possessed, their modes of operation, and their defects. The confederacies analyzed in this paper are the Lycian, Amphictyonic, Achæan, Helvetic, Belgic, and Germanic. He also read the standard works on general politics and the science of government, abridging parts of them, according to his usual practice, that he might impress the essential points more deeply on his mind. He was apprehensive, that the delegates might come together fettered with instructions, which would embarrass and retard, if not defeat, the salutary end proposed. "My wish is," said he, "that the convention may adopt no temporizing expedients, but probe the defects of the constitution to the bottom, and provide a radical cure, whether they are agreed to or not. A conduct of this kind will stamp wisdom and dignity on their proceedings, and hold up a light, which sooner or later will have its influence." Such were the preparations, and such the sentiments, with which he went to the convention.

His arrival at Philadelphia was attended with public honors. At Chester he was met by General Mifflin, Speaker of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and several officers and gentlemen of distinction, who proceeded with him from that place. At Gray's Ferry a company of light-horse took charge of him, and escorted him into the city. city. His first visit was to Dr. Franklin, at that time President of Pennsylvania. All the States were represented in the convention, except Rhode Island; and, when the body was organized for business, General Washington was elected by a unanimous vote to the president's chair. The convention was in session four months, and the diligence of the members is proved by the fact, that they sat from five to seven hours a day. The result was the Constitution of the United States, which was proposed to be sub

stituted for the Articles of Confederation. On the 17th of September, 1787, the constitution was signed by all the members present, except three, and forwarded with a letter to Congress. By that assembly it was sent to the State legislatures, for the purpose of being submitted in each State to a convention of delegates chosen by the people, in conformity with a resolve of the general convention.

Dr.

The constitution, as it came from the hands of its framers, was regarded by no one as theoretically perfect. To form a compact, which should unite thirteen independent republics into a consolidated government possessing a control over the whole, was not a work of easy attainment, even if there had been a uniformity in the previously established systems of the several States. The difficulty was increased by the wide differences in their situation, extent, habits, wealth, and particular interests. Rights and privileges were to be surrendered, not always in proportion to the advantages which seemed to be promised as an equivalent. In short, the constitution was an amicable compromise, the result of mutual deference and concession. Franklin said, in a short speech near the close of the convention; "I consent to this constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good." And Washington wrote not long afterwards; "There are some things in the new form, I will readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation; but I did then conceive, and do now most firmly believe, that in the aggregate it is the best constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, and that this, or a dissolution, awaits our choice, and is the only alternative." Again; "It appears to me little short

of a miracle, that the delegates from so many States, different from each other in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to wellfounded objections. Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real though not radical defects." Similar sentiments were doubtless entertained by all the prominent friends to the constitution. Faulty as it was, they looked upon it as the best that could be made, in the existing state of things, and as such they wished it to be fairly tried. It was moreover remarkable, that what one called a defect, another thought its most valuable part, so that in detail it was almost wholly condemned and approved. This was a proof, that there was nothing in it essentially bad, and that it approached very nearly to a just medium. If we judge from the tenor of Washington's letters, after it was sent out to the world, he watched its fate with anxious solicitude, and was animated with joy at the favor it gradually gained with the public, and its ultimate triumph. It was universally agreed, that his name, affixed to the constitution, carried with it a most effective influence on the minds of the people.

The legislatures of all the States, which had been represented in the general convention, directed State conventions to be assembled, consisting of delegates chosen by the people for the express purpose of deciding on the adoption of the constitution. The ratification of nine States was necessary to give it validity and effect. The conventions in the several States met at different times, and it was nearly a year before the requisite number had passed a decision. In the mean time both the friends and opponents of the constitution

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