have never called for a canceling of the or chief magistrate? And yet this must debt, and we have never called it the be the case as long as this monster conpublic debt. What we have called for tinues to exist in any thing approaching is this; that, in the first place, the in- to its present magnitude. Oh, no, sir! terest of the debt should be reduced when I shall be Prime Minister of Engupon principles of undeniable equity; land (pray don't laugh), I will "take and, as my colleague has most amply order," that no internal regulations of proved, the fundholders have been over- General JACKSON shall disturb all the paid, principal as well as interest, long mighty pecuniary affairs of this kingago. I here come to a proper place to dom; shall add a third to the real advert to a passage in the speech of Sir amount of the interest paid to the fundROBERT PEEL at the Mansion-house; holder; shall really violate all contracts namely, that passage where he speaks for time between man and man; shall of "respect for property"; and of make bonds, jointures, settlements, lepeople of "intelligence" and property gacies, quite other things than those being tired of the pressure from with- which they were intended to be; shall out. Alas, sir! it is he, above all men make the mortgager pay to the mortliving, that has caused the pressure from gagee a third more than he has conwithout, and the pressure from within, tracted to pay: I will take care that too. But of this I will speak under these things shall not be after I become another head. Prime Minister; and if Sir ROBERT 5. That, to cancel the public debt PEEL does not take care of the same (which might be either cause or sort, and to the same extent, my opinion effect of the triumph of the Radi- is that he will not only soon cease to cals), must produce indiscriminate be Prime Minister, but that he will be confusion, and mutual slaughter. the last Prime Minister that we shall 6. That a failure of speculation in pep- have under this form of things. I was per was the most feasible cause of surprised to hear you talk about the the panic of 1825. "speculation in pepper," being the Let us stop here to observe, in the "most feasible" cause of the panic of first place, as, indeed, I already have 1825-6! Pepper, sir! I could hardly observed, that we do not propose a can- believe my eyes; but really, if you do celing of the debt. But, if it were can- believe this, and if the Tories believe celed all at once, would the confusion the same, the bottomless pit is open beand slaughter be greater now than it fore them. One night, in the House of would have been if it had been cancelled Commons, Sir ROBERT PEEL, waving in 1826? You know that then the Mi- his hand across the table, and looking nisters themselves told us, in the House at the Treasury bench, said: "Between of Commons, that we had, at one time, me and office I see a great gulf." been within eight-and-forty hours of It was impossible, of course, not to think barter. That you know, sir, is a can- of DIVES and LAZARUS, and to substiceling of the debt at once. And, sir, tute the bosom of Lord ALTHORP for do you think a man an enemy of the that of father ABRAHAM; and, sir, concountry, who wishes to get rid, by fining ourselves to this side of the grave, some means or other, of a thing so dan- better to him would have been the lot gerous as this? The present most of DIVES than to be in his present situpressing troubles of the Ministry noto- ation, and entertain the monstrously abriously arise out of measures adopted by surd opinion, that "a failure of a spePresident JACKSON. What! and could culation in pepper" was the most feasiyou endure the thought of upholding a ble cause of the panic of 1825-6! system which exposes this, the greatest Why, sir, I myself caused that panic of all the kingdoms upon earth, to be to come some months sooner than it thrown into such a state of distress, em- would have come; and is it not criminal barrassment and uproar, by the mere in a minister not to have known this; domestic regulations of a foreign prince and, knowing it, ought he not to be 66 punished in the most severe man-I, then in exile to avoid the dungeons of ner for attempting to uphold a system CASTLEREAGH and SIDMOUTH, addressed that lays a whole kingdom like this a letter to TIERNEY, proving to him, open to the danger of being troubled that, if such a bill were passed, and perfor one single half minute by a private severed in, without tax-reducing mea individual, who is worth little more, sures, England must be convulsed, and perhaps, than the clothes upon his back, that the end must be a change, destrucand the bed that he lies upon ? You, tive, in all probability, of all the orders sir, have always discovered a virtuous of the state. dislike of this system; at least, you have as far as my observation has gone; but it is clear from the "speculation in pepper," that you do not know its history, which, therefore, I will give you the history of the concern since I took it in hand. In 1819 (my opinion having been quite sufficient to make them pass just such a bill as I had said would produce these consequences) PEEL'S BILL was passed by an unanimous and joyous vote of both Houses, followed by an interchange of congratulations on the subIn 1804, when Mr. PITT was Minister ject by the Speaker and Regent; and, and the debt four hundred millions upon my receiving the news of it, I inand a little more perhaps, I, in a stantly declared, that, if ever that bill letter to Mr. PITT, first proved that the were carried into full effect, I would paper-money was depreciated; then suffer myself to be broiled on one of proved that his sinking fund was a bub- CASTLEREAGH's broadest gridirons, while ble; then besought him to raise the SIDMOUTH stirred the coals, and while supplies out of a tax on the interest of CANNING stood by making a jest of my the debt; then told him, that even groans. complete triumph in war, would not save the higher orders in England, unless this debt were put an end to in time. Look into the Register, sir, much about thirty years ago, and there you will find this letter; and divers letters to the gaping Richmond-park ADDINGTON, to somewhat the same amount; and you will also find that the profligate SHERIDAN said, in the House of Commons, prosperity having been ascribed by the that the Government ought to prosecute me for promulgating those opinions. In 1806 and 1807, under the title of FATE OF THE FUNDS, I was still more elaborately urgent upon this important matter. In 1822 came out the one-pound notes again, and away went the bill. In 1823 came the NORFOLk PetiTION, praying for an equitable adjustment, in order that the affair might be justly settled, and that the constitution might be saved from destruction. In 1823, the one-pound notes having produced prodigious "prosperty"; that then Mr. ROBINSON (now Lord RIPON), to the wisdom and energy of an unreformed Parliament; and he having described me, amongst others, as a wild dreamer" for wanting to reform so wise and efficient a House: thus provoked, In 1814 and 1815, during the agita- I said, in the Register (February 1824): tion of the question of the Corn Bill, I “ Now, mind, ignorant and insolent protested against the Corn Bill, as a" man, I tell you that, before this day thing of no use to the land, and a source "two years, your banks will blow up, of discontent to the manufacturing part" and your prosperity will be blown to of the nation; and again showed that" the devil." The banks blowed up in the real remedy, and only remedy, and a year and eight months from that day; only means of safety to the orders of the but not, Mr. Standard, by the combustistate, was a reduction of the interest of the debt. In 1818, Mr. TIERNEY had urged, in the House of Commons, the passing of a bill like that which was afterwards passed under the name of PEEL'S BILL, ble force of a “ speculation in pepper " ! In pletely. It wanted only the match, and and clergy, when at their wit's end, will that match was furnished by Mr. JONES, still treat me with opprobrium, instead a zealous Radical of BRISTOL, who went of listening to my advice; but, for you, to a banker's to demand gold for forty sir, who have not these causes of resentpounds in the banker's notes. The ment, and this source of satisfaction, it banker refused payment in gold, and is as well for you to see the thing in the offered him payment in Bank of Eng-true light; and if you do see it in the Jand notes. Mr. JONES wrote to me. true light, you will see that neither darted off to BRISTOL; brought back Whig nor Tory can proceed much furMr. JONES's petition to the House of ther in an attempt to raise fifty millions Commons, complaining of the matter; of taxes a year, with wheat at five shilsent down a writ at the same time, to lings a bushel, without plunging the arrest the banker for the debt. The country into that state of confusion, petition was presented, though after a which you appear so much to dread. great difficulty; out came all the story; and the whole country now learnt, for 7. the first time, that they had a right to demand gold, and to refuse Bank of England notes; on came the PANIC, and away went the banks; the "speculasion never having been heard of from the first to the last. That such an event would inflict as . In 1826, when the law under which we are now staggering along, was passed, I petitioned the House of Com-8. mons, expressing my thanks to them for having determined to abolish the one-pound notes in England; but beseeching thein at the same time, to reduce the amount of the taxes; concluding my petition in somewhat these words; "for, your humble petitioner Mr. STANDARD, how came you to -"knows, as well as he knows that fire name Mother MARTINEAU! Unless, "burns, that, if the present law be car-indeed, you could have told us, at the "ried into effect, with the present same time, that the Duke of WELLING❝ amount of taxation, this kingdom will rox and Sir ROBERT PEEL, without "have to undergo such trouble and such whose cordial support, the Mother Mar"suffering, as were never before ex- tineau bill never could have passed, had "perienced by any country in the had the good sense and the resolution "world." to confess that they were misled into a sup I, sir, whose petition upon this occa-port of that bill, and that they intended sion, and whose representations and to repeal it? Mother MARTINEAU is a supplications upon all former occasions, poor gossiping creature, vain of talking had been received by the aristocracy, nonsense, because it appears to her to and especially by the clergy, with af-be something new, and because it gets fected contempt, and with real deadly her something in the way of pelf at the hatred, of their author; I, sir, might same time. Her consultations with the laugh in the midst of these troubles and homme de lettres et avocat were things these sufferings which are now come to laugh at, until moulded into a real upon the country; and I will not, espe-downright revolutionary measure, supcially after the hootings and howlings ported by the hero of STRATHFIELDSAY, and triumphings of the 16. of May, and the millionaire of TAMWORTH. Then 1833, say that I see them with sorrow; they became serious things: then they for I really do not; and, I shall now became a line of demarcation: then they watch to see whether the aristocracy cried "war to the cottage": then, at 66 " any rate, they decided me, never again, PEEL's Bill has done? Hundreds of with tongue, or pen, to utter one word thousands of the most virtuous and more than law compelled me to utter, frugal families have been brought from in support of the aristocracy, or the competence, and some from opulence, church. Ah, sir! Here it was, that down to the poor-house, by that bill, the Lords and the Tories missed it. and by other measures growing out of The people had seen the Whigs pass it, in which measures, also, Sir ROBERT the bill, in spite of all our strenuous PEEL was a partaker. More than a exertions against it; they knew how hundred thousand farmers and their fa the people hated it: they knew that milies have been brought down to sheer they should make sure of the people by poverty and servitude, by that bill. The rejecting the bill: and yet they sup- work of confiscation is still silently ported it: and passed it; and that, too, going on, against farmers, traders, gen with the declaration of Lord ALTHORP, tlemen; and this is now to be pushed that," he must be a bold man that along by the very man who was the would bring that bill in again"! first author of it! He will not push it When I, seeing that the bill would on far, be you well assured, sir. Is nopass the Commons, exclaimed, "Thank body to be thought of but the usurers? "God, we have yet a House of Lords, Is the labourer to be pinched, to keep "and just such a House of Lords as we the usurers, up with double pay? Are Now stand in need of "! I cannot say, millions to suffer for years, because one that I had any thing amounting to a man will not unsay his blunders? Oh, hope, that they would take the hint.no! the people will try the Whigs At any rate, they despised my warning again: nothing worse can come than a and be the consequence theirs! If you, man resolved to push on this system of sir, could have seen Mr. CHETWYND, injustice; this system, too, which con❤ last night, dinned with the indignant stantly keeps the whole frame of the reproaches of the electors of STAFFORD, Government in such a state, that it may they having accused him of having be totally destroyed in one single half voted for the Poor-law Bill, and having hour. Talk of the "sacredness of procalled upon me (who was present) as a perty," indeed! In a state like that witness to the fact; if Sir ROBERT which we are in, there is no such thing PEEL could have seen that gentleman, as property of any sort, without money, at that moment, never would he ex-an universally acknowledged measure pect the "pressure from without" to of value. There is no property at all; cease, as long as that bill should remain for as to barter, what has the working in existence. It was your most able man to barter but the fruit of his fists, writings against that bill, which first or of his cudgel? Now, then, do you, excited my adiniration of your talents; who are so much in dread of a cancelaye, and it was your having discovered ing of the public debt, know that it that the present Ministers meant to en- can be canceled at any moment, by the force it, and to keep on penny-a-line mere motion, the mere assembling toCHADWICK in the business; it was this gether of fifty thousand men in Kent, sad discovery, and another or two of the in Essex, in Surrey, or in Sussex? Do same cast, that made you begin to fear you not perceive the effect that that that the Whigs would return to power; would have in London; the effect that aye, and return they will, and they it would have upon the Bank? And, will repeal the bill, I'll warrant them. sir, would not this be a great deal worse You tell us, sir, that the canceling than even the canceling of the debt by of the debt would produce dreadful act of Parliament? And is it not the ruin; and that even the PANIC reduced very first duty of every Minister, and of thousands of families to the utmost every Member of Parliament too, to want, though by no means squander-endeavour to render so terrific an effect ing, gambling, or improvident persons. impossible? And impossible it never Could it do more in this way than can be rendered, as long as the debt 66 66 shall exist to any thing like its present anything worse befall him than coarser amount. food; than Parson Lowe's workhouse; What! sir; if the King were told, "Here is a thing, may it please your than the workhouse dress; than the "Majesty, existing in your dominions, separation of husband from wife, and "in consequence of the existence of children from both; than the being cut "which, it is possible, that your Ma- off from all communication with friends "jesty's throne may be overturned in and relations; than seeing his dead an hour"; would he not say, "Put wife or child "disposed of" by the an end, somehow or other, to the hired overseer for dissection? Can any "existence of that thing, as quickly as state of things arise to make his situa"possible"? Well, then, that thing tion worse than this? The church, you does exist; and it exists, too, remem- are afraid, is in danger! The church, ber, in company with the POOR-LAW sir, why then the church-service too; BILL! Sir Robert Peel talks, and you and do you know that the Bishop of talk, about the "intelligence of the London, who was also one of the Poorcountry, and of a reliance upon that law Commissioners, was one of the supLet him rely upon it: let him continue porters of the DEAD BODY BILL? DO to insinuate that the working people you know, that the "BURIAL OF THE are a senseless rabble, and want to de- DEAD" is one of the principal services stroy all property; let him rely upon of the church? You know, I suppose, the "intelligence." The "intelligence" that a body that is hacked to pieces by will give him his reward I'll warrant a parcel of surgeons has not Christian it. He never heard the petitioners for burial; and, if Christian burial be of parliamentary reform propose to bundle" NO USE," why is there a burial out the bishops, or to reform the Peers: service? And why do the parsons rethat was reserved for the "intelligence." ceive fees for burying the dead? Why, While the Tories were struggling for a then, sir, be alarmed about the church? higher qualification to vote, I, in a let- If it be of " no use" in this respect, ter addressed to the House of Lords, why not the same in other respects? told them, that they had no real friends I admire the sublimity of the horrors, on earth; no reliance for support ex- which you set before us as the infallible cept upon the unambitious working consequences of a blowing up of the people, who, as naturally as the sparks funds and paper-money. First, as a fly upwards, would look upon them as matter of course, there must, you tell their protectors, and who would protect us, be a CIVIL WAR." For what? them against their foes; but that they, Why must there? For what reason? in their wisdom, having decided other- Do you believe that the fundholders wise, must take their chance and keep would sally out armed? And against their coronets and estates as long as whom; and on what ground? Did they they could. Nothing in this world do this in France? Did they do it in would be more easy than to settle all America? In each of which countries the quietly, and make all safe; but the die paper-money was annihilated in one day. now seems to be cast the other way: Oh, no! There would be great confusion the Poor-law Bill seems to have been in and about London'; but, in every other the last throw, and to have been de- part of the kingdom, parochial arrangestined to decide the game, and that, ments would instantly be made, for too, without the possibility of carrying keeping all the people at work, and on its own provisions into effect! You good wages; real and moveable protake great pains, sir, to represent to us perty would make voluntary sacrifices the horrors of a civil war; and you tell most liberally; and, in a month, all us, that the poor man must suffer as would be quiet and right again. The much, or more, than the rich. What, Poor-law Bill (if it be pushed on) will then, do you think that he will come have done a great deal to sour the worklower than to potatoes and salt? Can ing people: but still nothing will make |