teem or moral approbation may refult from reflections on public intereft and utility. The neceffity of juftice to the fupport of fociety is the Sole foundation of that virtue; and fince no moral excellence is more highly esteemed, we may conclude, that this circumftance of usefulness has, in general, the strongest energy, and most entire command over our fentiments. It muft, therefore, be the fource of a confiderable part of the merit afcribed to humanity, benevolence, friendship, public fpirit, and other focial virtues of that stamp; as it is the Sole fource of the moral approbation paid to fidelity, juftice, veracity, integrity, and those other eftimable and ufeful qualities and principles. It is entirely agreeable to the rules of philofophy, and even of common reason; where any principle has been found to have a great force and energy in one inftance, to afcribe to it a like energy in all fimilar inftances. This indeed is Newton's chief rule of philofophizing *.

* Principia, lib. iii.

SECTION

Of POLITICAL SOCIETY.

IV.

HAD every man fufficient fagacity to perceive,

at all times, that strong intereft, which binds him to the obfervance of juftice and equity, and Strength of mind fufficient to perfevere in a steady adherence to a general and a distant interest, in oppofition to the allurements of prefent pleasure and advantage; there had never, in that cafe, been any fuch thing as government or political fociety, but each man, following his natural liberty, had lived in entire peace and harmony with all other's. What need of pofitive law where natu ral juftice is, of itself, a fufficient reftraint? Why create magiftrates, where there never arifes any diforder or iniquity? Why abridge our native freedom, when, in every inftance, the utmost exertion of it is found innocent and beneficial? It is evident, that, if government were totally useless, it never could have place, and that the Sole foundation of the duty of Allegiance is the advantage, which it procures to fociety, by preferving peace and order among mankind.

When a number of political focieties are erected, and maintain a great intercourfe together, a new fet of rules are immediately difcovered to be useful in that particular situation; and accordingly take place under the title of Laws of Nations. Of this kind are, the facredness of the

perfon

perfon of ambaffadors, abstaining from poisoned arms, quarter in war, with others of that kind, which are plainly calculated for the advantage of ftates and kingdoms, in their intercourfe with each other.

1

The rules of juftice, fuch as prevail among individuals, are not entirely fufpended among political focieties. All princes pretend a regard to the rights of other princes; and fome no doubt, without hopocrify. Alliances and treaties are every day made between independent ftates, which would only be fo much waste of parchment, if they were not found, by experience, to have fome influence and authority. But here is the difference between kingdoms and individuals. Human nature cannot, by any means, fubfift, without the affociation of individuals; and that af fociation never could have place, were no regard paid to the laws of equity and juftice. Diforder, confufion, the war of all against all, are the neceffary confequences of fuch a licentious conduct. But nations can fubfift without intercourse. They may even fubfift, in fome degree, under a general war. The obfervance of juftice, though useful among them, is not guarded by fo ftrong a neceffity as among individuals; and the moral obligation holds proportion with the usefulness. All politicians will allow, and moft philofophers, that Reasons of State may, in particular emergencies, difpenfe with the rules of juftice, and invalidate any treaty or alliance, where the ftrict, obfervance of it would be prejudicial, in a confiderable degree, to either of the contracting parties. But nothing less than the most extreme neceffity, it is confeffed, can juftify individuals in a breach of promise, or an invafion of the properties of others.

In a confederated commonwealth, fuch as the Achæan republic of old, or the Swifs Cantons

and

A

and United Provinces in modern times; as the league has here a peculiar utility, the conditions of union have a peculiar facredness and authority, and a violation of them would be regarded as no less, or even as more criminal, than any private injury or injuftice.

The long and helpless infancy of man requires the combination of parents for the fubfiftence of their young; and that combination requires the virtue of Chastity or fidelity to the married bed. Without fuch a utility, it will readily be owned, that fuch a virtue would never have been thought of*.

An infidelity of this nature is much more pernicious in women than in men, Hence the laws of chastity are much stricter over the one sex than over the other.

+

These rules have all a reference to generati on; and yet women paft child-bearing are no more fuppofed to be exempted from them than thofe in the flower of their youth and beauty. General rules are often extended beyond the principle, whence they firft arife; and this in all matters of tafte and fentiment. It is a vulgar story at Paris, that, during the rage of the Miffiffippi, a hump-backed fellow went every day into the Rue de Quincempoix, where the ftockjobbers met in great crowds, and was well paid for allowing them to make ufe of his hump as a defk, in order to fign their contracts upon it. Would the fortune, which he raised by this expedient, make him a handsome fellow; though it be confeffed, that perfonal beauty arifes very much from ideas of utility? The imagination is influenced by affociations of ideas; which, though they arife at first from the judgment, are not eafily altered by every particular exception that occurs to us. To which we may add, in the

See NOTE [X].

prefent