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the period 1868–75 the political contests of Ohio | secretary of the treasury under Harrison 1841, were of national importance from the attitude of and of the interior under Taylor 1849–50; Thomas the parties. In the democratic party the “Ohio Ewing (son of the preceding), democratic conidea," that United States bonds not specifically pay- gressman 1877–9; Joshua R. Giddings, anti-slavery able in coin should be paid in “greenbacks," and whig and free-soil congressman 1838–59, and that national bank notes should be superseded by consul general of Canada 1861-4; Walter Q. government issues of paper money, had obtained Gresham, postmaster general in 1883; Wm. S. control, under the leadership at first of Pendle- Groesbeck, democratic congressman 1857–9; ton, and then of Ewing; and the republican Joseph W. Keifer, republican congressman party had been gradually forced to take a "hard 1877–85, and speaker 1881-3; William Lawrence, money” attitude. The Allen-Noyes and Hayes- republican congressman 1865–71 and 1873–7; Allen canvasses had taken this direction; and Stanley Matthews, republican United States senaboth the success of Hayes and the defeat of Allen tor 1877-9, and justice of the United States suin 1875 had a strong influence on the party plat-preme court since 1881; John A. McMahon, demoforms of the next year, which ended the question. cratic congressman 1875–83; Return J. Meigs, Since that time the regulation of the liquor traffic democratic United States senator 1809–10, govhas become a leading question. (See PROHIBI ernor 1810–14, and postmaster general 1814-23 (see TION.) The republicans at first adopted and passed ADMINISTRATIONS); Thomas Morris, state chief the so-called “Pond law,” for the taxation of justice 1830–33, and democratic United States senaliquor selling; but this was decided unconstitu tor 1833–9; George E. Pugh, Douglas democratic tional by the state supreme court, May 30, 1882. United States senator 1855–61; Milton Sayler, The republicans then passed the “Scott law," democratic congressman 1873–83 ; Robert C. which was upheld by the state court in June, Schenck, whig congressman 1843–51, minister to 1883. It forbids liquor selling or opening saloons Brazil 1851-3, major general of volunteers 1861-3, on Sundays, and levies a tax of $200 yearly on republican congressman 1863–71, and minister to general liquor sellers, and $100 on sellers of malt Great Britain 1871-6; Wilson Shannon, demoliquors, the whole tax to go into the county and cratic governor 1838–40 and 1842–4, minister to municipal treasuries. — From 1860 until 1883 the Mexico 1844–5, congressman 1853–5, and governor republicans had a majority of the state's con of Kansas 1855–6; Samuel Shellabarger, repubgressmen, except in 1875–7 and 1879–81. In the lican congressman 1861-3, 1865–9 and 1871-3; congress of 1883–5 there are thirteen democratic Noah H. Swayne, justice of the United States representatives and right republicans; and the supreme court 1861–81 ; Edward Tiffin, first legislature is (1884) democratic by sixty to fif- governor of the state, and United States senator teen in the house, and twenty-two to eleven in 1807-9; Amos Townsend, republican congressthe senate. - Among the state's political leaders man 1877-83; and Clement L. Vallandigham, demhave been S. P. Chase, J. A. Garfield, W. H. Har- ocratic congressman 1858–63. See authorities rison, R. B. Hayes, John McLean, George II. Pen under ORDINANCE OF 1787 for the territorial dleton, John Sherman, E. M. Stanton, A. G. Thur. history; 2 Poore's Federal and State Constitutions; man, and Benj. F. Wade (see those names), and Chase's Statutes of Ohio, Schuckers' Life of S. P. the following: William Allen, democratic con. Chase; Moris' Life of Thomas Morris, Taylor's gressman 1833–5, l’nited States senator 1837-49, History of Ohio; Atwater's History of Ohio; and governor 1874–6; James M. Ashley, republi. Mitchener's Annals of Ohio; Way's Toledo War; can congressman 1859–69; John A. Bingham, re. Carpenter's History of Ohio; Studer's History of publican congressman 1855–63 and 1865–73, and Columbus, O.; Reid's Ohio in the War (the elecminister to Japan since 1873; David K. Cartter, tion of 1863 is at 1: 153); Report of Secretary of democratic congressman 1849–53, minister to State, 1873 (for governors); 2 Stat. at Large, 58, Bolivia 1861-2, and since 1863 chief justice of 173, 201 (for acts of May 7, 1800, April 30, 1802, the District of Columbia; S. F. Cary, republican and Feb. 19, 1803). ALEXANDER JOHNSTON. congressman 1867-9, democratic candidate for lieutenant governor in 1875, and greenback candi OLIGARCHY. The rule of a few. Aristotle, date for vice-president in 1876; Thomas Corwin, after enumerating the governments which he whig congressman 1831-40, governor 1840–42, calls governments in the general interest, monUnited States senator 1845-50, secretary of the archy, aristocracy and the republic, treats of govtreasury under Fillmore 1850-53, republican con ernments in the interest of individuals, tyranny, gressman 1859–61, and minister to Mexico 1861-4; oligarchy and democracy (see OCHLOCRACY), which Jacob D. Cox, major general of volunteers, seem to him the corruption of the first three. governor 1866-8, secretary of the interior under Hobbes,” says Barthélemy St. Hilaire, “has Grant 1869–70, and republican congressman justly remarked (Imperium, vii., 3), that 'these 1877-9; Samuel S. Cox, democratic congressman three second denominations are all hated and de1857-65, and democratic congressman from New spised, but that they do not designate governments York 1869-85; Columbus Delano, whig congress of different principles; this is precisely what Arisman 1845–7, republican congressman 1865-9, and totle understood when he employed the word secretary of the interior 1870–75; Thomas Ewing, corruption.'”—“Oligarchy," says Aristotle, “ is whig United States senator 1831-7 and 1850-51, I the political predominance of the rich, and democ

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racy, the political predominance of the poor to | able of all.” Oligarchies may maintain them. the exclusion of the rich.” To the objection: but selves by ministering to the material well-being what if the rich be the more numerous and gov. of the people and to their artistic wants, a capital ern, or if the poor be the less numerous and gov- consideration in the time of Aristotle. (Book ern? he replies, that the rule of the minority in vii.) But as avarice is the vice peculiar to oli. democracies and that of the majority in oligar- | garchies, (this is also Plato's opinion), their gov. chies are wholly accidental, because the rich every ernment, together with tyranny, is the least stable where constitute the minority, and the poor every of all. The rivalry of the powerful, their miswhere the majority. "The two parties,” con conduct, their acts of violence, the creation of tinues impartial Aristotle, “claim exclusively each another oligarchy in the bosom of the first, the for itself the right to make the law, and, indeed, ambition of some who begin to flatter the people, this right belongs to both of them up to a certain the influence of mercenary troops, all these are so point, but this right is not absolute in the one or many causes of ruin. Lastly, that which injures the other. On the one hand, superior in a single them most is, “that they deceive the lower point, in wealth, for instance, they think them- classes.” (Book vi., 3.) They should, above all, selves superior in all; on the other hand, equal refrain from taking such oaths, he says, as they in one point, in liberty, for instance, they think take to-day in some states: I will always be the themselves absolutely equal; the main object is enemy of the people, and I will do them all the forgotten on both sides. If political association harm I can.” (Book vii., 7.) – We have quoted was a commercial association for the purpose of these passages from Aristotle, because they throw gain, the share of the associated in the state would light upon the social state of antiquity, and bebe in direct proportion to their investment, and cause they serve to show the difference between the partisans of oligarchy would be in the right ; ancient and modern politics. Thus, the moderns but the object of political association is not only are nearer the etymology of the word than Aristhe existence of the associated, but their happi- totle himself, when they call oligarchy the govness, the well-being of families and of the differ-ernment of a small number, without alluding to ent classes of the people. Those who bring the the wealthy, to the people, to good men, or to most (by their talents) to the general fund of the virtue. In many states a minority, all powerful association, have a greater share in the state than through terror, constitutes an oligarchy in an those who, equal or superior in point of liberty or assembly democratically elected. The oligarchy birth, have, notwithstanding, less political virtue; of the council of ten, at Venice, was a concentraa greater share than those who, superior in wealth, tion of the aristocracy; but that of the ephors at are inferior in merit.” To whom, then, should | Sparta and that of the tribunes at Rome served as sovereignty belong? To the multitude, to the a counterpoise to the authority of the senate. An wealthy, to the good, to a single individual of oligarchy may succeed abruptly to a monarchic superior talents, to a tyrant? Neither to these or popular government. Modern revolutions have nor to others,” says Aristotle, “but to the law.” | put in power, under the form of oligarchy, dictaAnd if one of the elements of the political body tors elected by the people, or by a fraction of the must be preferred, Aristotle would incline in favor people, and governing in its name or their own, of the multitude, for the reason that, if each in but always opposed to aristocracies. The olidividually errs in judgment, in the aggregate all garchic government of the ancients was rarely judge well.

(Book iii.) But the government met with except in small states, in free cities, a which seems to him to best assure the reign of the most favorable theatre for such a concentration of law is the republic (IIoliteia) which borrows its collective power. This is also the case in modern principles from oligarchy and democracy. If he times, not only in what have been called “free had been asked how the alliance of these two cities,” but in other states. Oligarchy is wont to governments, which he calls corrupt, could give be established in a great nation, when, on account birth to the best of all governments, he would of an insurrection or a war, it is for the time doubtless have answered that they were only bad being reduced to the condition of the ancient because they were exclusive, and that political city.

JACQUES DE BOISJOSLIN. wisdom should be the reconciliation of these two elements. Aristotle enumerates four kinds of OLMSTEAD CASE. (See PENNSYLVANIA.) oligarchy. (Book vi.) In the first, the magistracy and the legislative power are accessible to OMNIBUS BILL. (See PARLIAMENTARY citizens paying a rather large amount of taxes. Law.) In the second, the amount of taxes is considerable, and the body of the magistrates self-re OPINION, Public. (See PUBLIC OPINION.) cruiting. In the third, public offices are hereditary. In the fourth, besides this hereditary OPPOSITION. The word opposition, in policharacter of public offices, the sovereignty of the tics, has two distinct meanings. Properly, it is magistrates takes the place of the reign of the the resistance which dissenting parties offer to law. The first of these oligarchies is very near the acts of the government, because their interests akin to aristocracy or democracy; the last is “ or opinions are at variance with such acts. It is dynusty or governmept of force, the most detest also used to designate the parties from which this

resistance proceeds. These parties may vary ad disputes. But we must contemplate these strug. infinitum in point of numbers, intelligence and gles from a higher plane and as a whole; great power; but they always constitute the opposi principles are engaged in them and govern them. tion. An individual citizen also may resist the The eternal problem of human affairs is forever government, but even if he were an insurgent reappearing in them under one of its myriad satrap he would be only an opponent, not the forms; in the fierce battles which he wages, it is opposition. — Opposition may exist elsewhere than to ideas that man devotes himself; and his honor in the political field. . Religious opinions and is to die for them. Let us take as an example the even religions may engage in a struggle with each glorious, little, agitated and turbulent republics of other. The dissenting parties resist and sometimes Greece. A question of principle, of sovereignty, overthrow the established authority. The strug- divided them, such as: “Shall the aristocracy or gles of Christianity against Polytheism, of Protest the democracy rule? Sparta or Athens?And antism against Catholicism, and of the philosophic the struggle was carried on not only in states and spirit against the principle of authority, are so cities; in every city the two parties were arrayed many examples of opposition awakened in the against each other, the one in power, the other moral world, and which have reacted most pow. constituting the opposition. What vicissitudes erfully upon politics. True, religious and philo- in the life of these parties so changeable, so sophical oppositions differ from those purely po quickly organized and so quickly dissolved; one litical by the very nature of the metaphysical day in possession of favor and success, of popu. problems from which they spring: the destiny of larity and of the votes of the multitude, the next man, the relations between God and the world, forsaken, annihilated; in turn and almost without the government of things here below by provi- interval, conquerors and conquered! - In modern dence. The religious struggle is carried on society the right of discussion, and consequently ardently, passionately, but with little noise; the of opposition, is the very soul of representative new belief employs no arms except those of per government. This right applies not only to the suasion. Ideas are elaborated in the seclusion of making of the laws and the voting of taxes, in the study, and are propagated slowly, progres- which the people take part through their represively, in men's consciences. Political opposition sentatives, but to all the parts of legislation, and has quite another field. It inflames the crowd in to all public services. Opposition may even go the cause of interests less sacred, doubtless, but beyond this, and attack the government and its not unimportant, and produces more immediate principle. The ideal of representative governagitation. It is the only form for which cus ment does not allow this sort of radical oppositom has reserved the name of opposition, and the tion. It is necessary that there should be, beyond only one with which we have to do here. — The all reach of discussion, a stable, fixed point, existence of a party of opposition always sup- and a principle which can not be contested. In poses a certain degree of liberty and of the right the moral world, as in the physical, motion supof investigation. A despotic government admits poses an immovable point. The constitution, of no opposition, and no argument. It can only whose object is the conservation of the state as be resisted by force, and it has no alternative but a political body, may indeed, be criticised, but to conquer or to perish, like the Roman emperors it carr not allow itself to be denied or its prinwhom triumphant revolt dragged down the steps ciple to be overthrown. All opposition, thereof the Aventine Hill leading to the Tiber. - fore, is outside the law from the moment that it Where there exists an infallible authority, or denies the political pact and seeks not the control what pretends to be such, opposition has .no of the government but its destruction. Hence, raison d'être and is not tolerated. Just as relig- even in the very countries in which political comions allow no contradiction of their dogmas, motions are most frequent, and in which power theocracies and governments by divine right, is oftenest shaken by revolution, we see that each which attribute to themselves a part of their in-government tries to put its principle at least befallibility, exclude all opposition. It is therefore yond the reach of the storm, and puts the constionly in free governments, in which man's activity tution under the safeguard of an oath. The has free play, in which his faculties are developed reason is, that, wherever the constitution is called without hindrance, and in which his reason has in question, normal political life has ceased to sovereign command, that opposition can find a exist, and revolution has taken its place. — Engplace, not by toleration, but as a right. Opposi- land is a country which affords the world the tion is born of a diversity of opinions, which can grand spectacle of a government whose prinbe reduced to unity by no art or science, however ciple is accepted by all. This principle is the great the effort. It answers to the divergence of fixed, immovable point to which we referred interests, the rivalry and struggles of which are above, the light-house whose foundation is beaten at the bottom of all questions, and form the warp by the billows, but whose summit towers serenely and woof of history. Parties are formed, struggle, above the storm. In such a country the opposiand contend with one another for influence and tion bears only on the direction of public affairs, the control of the government. Doubtless a great on questions of influence and of persons. We many petty rivalries, a great many questions of need not inquire by what vicissitudes England persons and egotistical ambitions, enter into their | had to pass to reach this condition of calm and of

union. What combination of circumstances is deludes the minds of even well intentioned men, necessary, in order that hostile parties may be. who allow themselves to believe that the opposicome extinguished or abdicate ? How long may tion is necessarily in advance of the government, their opposition last ? It is plain that in the that it is a means and a condition of progress. infinite variety of human affairs, no fixed rules This is sometimes the case, but not always. The can be laid down here. — The old Greek theogony opposition may be more enlightened and liberal represents discord and friendship in the midst of than the party in power ; but it may be less so. the elements, co-operating in the work of the gods. Reason and truth are no more the exclusive attriThe one divides the forces of nature, the other butes of the governed than of the governing: restores them to unity, and the two together pro- Hence it can not be said absolutely that the oppoduce the general harmony of the universe. Op- sition holds in its hands the future of civilization position, like discord, doubtless has its part to and the destinies of the world. Nevertheless, play in the harmony of the life of nations. “Ev- experience shows that governments, save in exery force in nature is despotic, as is all will inceptional cases which are always rare, in which man. A single plant would soon cover the earth, the head of the state is a man of genius, incline by reproduction, if the other plants allowed it more frequently to immobility than to progress, free course.” (Rivarol.) Opposition is an ob- and generally oppose the force of inertia to the stacle in the way of invading forces, and keeps most necessary reforms. The impulse must then them within their just limits. It obliges power come from without, and the motive power is the to keep an attentive watch over its own acts, and, opposition. — The work of oppositions thus par. if we may take a witticism for an axiom, we takes both of good and evil. But they number in would be obliged to admit even that it is the their history pages of incomparable brilliancy. safeguard of power; since we can lean only upon Posterity should not forget that in the ranks of that which offers resistance. – In a regular repre- the opposition there have been found united, sentative government the opposition is always the courage and virtue ; that they have called forth minority. As soon as it becomes the more numer the noblest bursts of patriotism and the sublimest ous and powerful, it assumes control of affairs, accents of eloquence ; that great characters have and finds the other party arrayed against it as the been formed in them; that generous hearts have opposition. The opposition may be weak, or it fought with them, and with them devoted themmay be strong; it may be homogeneous, or be selves to humanity. What matters it after this composed of discordant and contradictory ele that all the causes favored by oppositions have not ments, united only for the needs of the struggle; triumphed ? Doubtless, by the side of oppositions in this case it constitutes a coalition. Oppositions inspired by great principles, we find others petty, usually have a marvelous aptitude for self-disci mean and retrogressive. Some have marked their pline; every opposition has a tendency to provide passage by fertile ideas; others have by degrees itself with leaders and to become systematic; become weakened and finally dropped into silence that is, not to confine itself to criticism of isolated and forgetfulness. In the work of man error is acts of the government, but to condemn them and ephemeral. Truth survives. We must credit combat them en masse. In divided countries in opposition, the daughter of free investigation, which the governing power is not universally with its truths, and pardon its errors. (Compare accepted, it is rarely the opposition which precip- PARTIES, POLITICAL.) EMILE CHÉDIEU. itates revolutions; it prepares the way for them. Most frequently at the last moment it recoils ORDER OF THE DAY. (See PARLIAMENTbefore its own work. It confines itself to paving ARY Law.) the road, to preparing the arena into which political parties are about to enter, and in which the ORDERS IN COUNCIL. (See EMBARGO, in forces of insurrection or of the government are to U. S. History.) decide the fate of the state. We are not, however, without examples of oppositions which, vic ORDERS, Religious. (See CONGREGATIONS.) torious and sustained by the people, have succeeded in forcing a constitution upon the govern ORDINANCE OF 1787 (IN U. S. HISTORY). ment, and in accomplishing a peaceful revolution. The organic law under which took place the or- The opposition has more than one advantage ganization of the territory west of Pennsylvania, over the government party. In the first place, east of the Mississippi, and north of the Ohio. the part it has to play is less difficult: criticism is The acquisition of the “northwest territory" by easy, while art is difficult. The opposition which the United States is elsewhere given. (See TERcriticises is not, like the government party, respon RITORIES.) After the completion of the Virginia sible for its acts; its work is collective, and there cession, Jefferson, as chairman of a committee of fore impersonal. Moreover, as the public think three on the subject, reported to the congress of the that it is more honorable to attack power than to confederation a plan for the temporary govern. flatter it, and do not see that under many circum ment of the western territory. As the conflicting stances it requires more courage to defend it than claims of the partisans of Jefferson, Rufus King to combat it, the opposition easily obtains the and Nathan Dane are apt to confuse the reader, it favor of popularity. This popularity sometimes seems best to give the peculiar features of Jeffer.

son's report, which was adopted April 23, 1784. mittee, of which Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, 1. It covered the whole western territory, ceded was chairman, framed the “ordinance of 1787," or to be ceded, south as well as north of the Ohio. which was finally adopted, July 13, 1787. The 2. Seventeen states, each two degrees in length fairest view is that Jefferson's report was the framefrom north to south, were to be gradually formed work on which the ordinance was built: the genfrom it; one between Pennsylvania and a north eral scheme was that of the former, but the provisand south line through the mouth of the Great ions were amplified, and the following changes Kanawha; eight in a north and south tier, bounded and new provisions were made: 1. The prohibion the west by a north and south line through the tion of slavery followed Jefferson's, excluding the great falls of the Ohio; and the remaining eight words “after the year 1800," thus making it imin a corresponding tier bounded west by the Mis- mediate, and adding a fugitive slave clause. (See sissippi. Even the names were to have been pro- SLAVERY, V.) This article, says Dane, in a letter vided for the prospective states of the northwest, of July 16, 1787, to King, “I had no idea the including such singular designations as Cherso states would agree to, and therefore omitted it in nesus, Sylvania, Assenisipia, Metropotamia, Poly- the draft; but, finding the house favorably dispotamia and Pelisipia, together with the less posed on this subject, after we had completed the remarkable titles of Saratoga, Washington, Mich-other parts, I moved the article, which was agreed igania and Illinoia. 3. “After the year 1800 to without opposition.” 2. On the other hand, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary as this was an ordinance for the government only servitude in any of the said states other than in of the territory northwest of the Ohio, its prohithe punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall bition of slavery was territorially only about half have been duly convicted.” This prohibition, as large as Jefferson's; and this may help to extherefore, was to have been prospective, not im- plain the different fates of the two. A further mediate, and to have applied to all new states explanation of the passage of Dane's ordinance, from the gulf of Mexico to British America. even with a prohibition of slavery, has recently This proviso was voted on, April 19. New Hamp- been brought to light by Mr. W. F. Poole (see shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, “North American Review,” among the authori. New York and Pennsylvania voted for it; Mary- ties): in 1787 Dr. Manasseh Cutler, agent of the land, Virginia and South Carolina, against it; Ohio land company in Massachusetts, was ready to North Carolina was divided; and New Jersey, purchase 5,000,000 acres of land in Ohio if it Delaware and Georgia were unrepresented. Not should be organized as a free territory, and his having seven states in favor, the proviso was lost. judicious presentation of this fact to congress had Delaware and Georgia were entirely unrepre a powerful influence upon the result. 3. Artisented; New Jersey had one delegate present, who cle III., and the conclusion of article IV., guarvoted for the proviso, but a state was not " repre. anteeing the freedom of navigation of the Mississented ” except by at least two delegates. The sippi and St. Lawrence, were new, and seem to language of the proviso, however, became a model have been due to Timothy Pickering, of Massafor every subsequent restriction upon slavery. chusetts. — The ordinance proper began by secur(See COMPROMISES, IV.; WILMOT PROVISO; Con- ing to the inhabitants of the territory the equal STITUTION, Amendment XIII.) 4. The states division of real and personal property of intestates were forever to be a part of the United States, to to the next of kin in equal degree; and the power be subject to the government of the United States, to devise and convey property of every kind. Conand to the articles of confederation, and to have gress was to appoint the governor, the secretary, republican governments. 5. The whole was to the three judges, and the militia generals; and be a charter of compact and fundamental consti- the governor was to make other appointments tutions between the new states and the thirteen | until the organization of a general assembly. The original states, unalterable but by joint consent of governor and judges were to adopt such state laws congress and the state in which an alteration as they saw fit, unless disapproved by congress, should be proposed to be made. With the adop- until there should be 5,000" free male inhabitants tion of the report, except the anti-slavery section, of full age” in the district: a curious slip, considJefferson's connection with the work ceased. He ering the prohibition of any other than "free" entered the diplomatic service in the following inhabitants. On attaining this population the month, and remained abroad until October, 1789. territory was to have a general assembly of its – March 16, 1785, Rufus King, of Massachusetts, own, consisting of the governor, a house of repafterward of New York, offered a resolution that resentatives of one to every 500 free male inhabslavery in the whole western territory be immedi- itants, and a legislative council of five to be ately prohibited. The language is Jefferson's, ex selected by congress from ten nominations by the cluding the words “after the year 1800," and lower house, and to serve for five years. The aschanging “duly convicted” into “personally sembly was to choose a delegate to sit, but not guilty.” By a vote of eight states to three this to vote, in congress; and was to pass laws for the was committed, and a favorable report was made, government of the territory, not repugnant to the April 14 (probably); but it was never acted upon. principles of the following “ articles of compact In September, 1786, congress again began to con between the original states and the people and states sider the government of the territory, and a com in the said territory,” which were to “ forever

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