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place gives them is one of the rewards of their create an aristocracy in new countries, or in counservices, and they would be more than human if tries in which the respect for station has died out, they did not reveal their appreciation of it. The have always failed miserably for this reason, state official really shows his sense of his own im- Moreover, association with the government and portance no more than, if so much as, any other the exercise of a portion of its authority do less, man who has an assured income and considers his and must always do less, for an office-holder in position “gentlemanly."

gentlemanly.” The manners of the this than in other countries, because there is here government clerk in England very much resem: absolutely no mystery about government. Its ble those of the successful barrister's clerk, or the origin is not veiled from the popular gaze by clerk in the great banking house; they are neither antiquity, or tradition, or immemorial custom. better nor worse. — If the English and German Nowhere else in the world does sovereignty preofficials were all appointed and held office under sent itself in such naked, unadorned simplicity to the spoils system, and had their “heads cut off” those who have to live under it. Nowhere else is every time there was a change in the ministry, or so little importance attached to permanence either a new man got the king's ear, there is every rea in government office or any other office. In Amerson for believing that they would be much more ica it brings a man no particular credit to remain insolent or overbearing than they are now, as long in the same position doing the same thing. they would share in the excitement of the politi- In fact, with the bulk of the population it brings cal strife, and in the pride of victory, and in him some discredit, as indicating a deficiency of the contempt for the vanquished, which form the great national attribute of energy. Outside so marked a feature in official life here. They the farming class, the American who passes his would, too, fall rapidly into the habit, which is life in the position in which he began it, without so strong among our office-holders, of treating any extension or change of his business, or withnon-official criticism of their manner of perform- out in some manner improving his condition by ing their duties as simply a weapon in the hands a display of enterprise or activity, is distinctly of those who want their places, and not as a held to have failed, or, rather, not to have suchelp toward the improvement of the public serv ceeded. There is probably no country in the ice. — In the United States, on the other hand, world in which the popular imagination is so little not only are the traditions of the government touched by a contented and tranquil life in a democratic, but the social organization is demo- modest station, or by prolonged fidelity in the cratic. What is of still more importance for our discharge of humble duties. Public opinion, present purpose, the popular view of the social | indeed, almost exacts of every man the display of value of different callings is thoroughly demo- a restless and ambitious activity. The popular cratic. There is little or no conventional dignity hero is not the contemplative scholar, or the cau. attached to any profession or occupation. As tious dealer who relies on small but sure profits there is hardly anything honest which a man may for a provision for his old age. It is the bold not do for hire without damage to his social posi- speculator, who takes great risks, and is in contion, so there is hardly anything he can do for stant pursuit of fresh markets to conquer, and hire which will raise the value of his social posi new demands to supply. It is not “the poor tion. In every country in the world the office boy” who stays poor and happy, around whom holder, like everybody else, bases his own opin. the popular fancy plays admiringly, but the poor ion of himself and his office on the opinion of boy who becomes a great manufacturer, or the them entertained by the public. He thinks highly president of a bank or railroad company, or the of them because his neighbors do. The Prussian master of large herds, or the owner of rich mines. or English civil or military officer bristles with | The very familiar personage of European countthe pride of station, largely because the public ing houses and banks, the gray-headed clerk or considers his station something to be proud of. book-keeper, is almost unknown here. In fact, So, also, in America, the office-holder does not employers would think but little of the young bristle with pride of station, because nobody book-keeper or clerk who made no effort to imthinks his station anything to be proud of. He is prove his condition, and did not look forward to not kept humble by the insecurity of his tenure, a change of pursuits before he reached middle but by the absence of popular reverence for his life. It may be said, indeed, without exaggeraplace. The custom house or postoffice clerk as a | tion, that the security of tenure which contributes matter of fact knows very well that the world so much to the value of a position in Europe, thinks no more of his place than it thinks of the counts for but little in popular estimate of it in place of a bank clerk or commercial traveler. | America. Places which “lead to nothing" are One of the very odd things in the popular dread not made any more attractive among us by the of an office-holding aristocracy is, that it arises out circumstance that they are easy to keep if one of the belief that an aristocracy can build itself wishes. Indeed, such places are rather avoided up on self-esteem, simply. But no aristocracy by young men whose self-esteem is high, when has ever been formed in any such way. It grows they are entering on life, and those who accept upon popular admission of its superiority, and them are apt to be set down as having, in a cernot simply on its own estimate of itself. The tain sense, withdrawn from the race.

In Europe, attempts which have been occasionally made to on the other hand, security or fixity of tenure,

owing to the very much smaller number of minded, unadventurous government officers, dochances offered there than here by social and com- ing routine work on small salaries, and with but mercial conditions to the enterprising and ener little chance or desire of ever passing from the getic man, adds very greatly to the value of an employed into the employing class. One might office of any kind, and not only to its value, but nearly as well try to make an aristocracy out of to its dignity. The person who has it, even if the the college professors or public school teachers. salary be very small, is considered by the public There is no society which at present makes so litto have drawn one of the prizes of life, and ex tle provision for this class as ours. We do nothcites envy, rather than commiseration, even amonging to turn them to account. They are a class the young The prodigious eagerness for gov- eminently fitted for government service, or any ernment office in France is due, in a very large service of which tenure during good behavior is degree, to the fact that government offices are one of the conditions, and in which fidelity rather permanent-a quality which more than makes up than initiative is a leading requirement. At presfor the extreme smallness of the salaries. In Eng- ent they furnish a very large share of the business land commerce competes formidably in the labor failures, and contribute powerfully to produce market with the crown, and the spirit of the peo our panics by being forced into the commercial ple is much more adventurous; but the certainty arena without the kind of judgment or nerve of a small income has even there attractions for which the commercial struggle calls for. If we the young which are unknown in this country. tried to economize labor, and put the right men This certainty always has a powerful influence in in the right places in our national administrative exalting the social position of the man who has machine, we should undoubtedly offer this class, managed to lay hold of it, in places in which which has just the kind of talent and character recovery from failure or miscarriage is difficult, we need for government work, the thing which and in which mistakes in the choice of a calling most attracts them, by offering them positions are not easily rectified. The whole spirit of Amer. which no commercial crisis could put in peril, ican society is, however, hostile to the idea that and which they could hold as long as they did permanence is a thing which a young man will do their work well. — Even if it were established, well to seek. This feeling will, beyond question, however, that the selection by competitive examioperate in one way, if we ever come back to ten nation and tenure during good behavior would ure in office during good behavior, to lower rather make the office holder feel himself the master of than raise the office-holding class, as a class, in the the people, and express his sense of his superiorpopular estimation. Far from converting it into ity in his behavior, the question whether the presan aristocracy, it will probably put a certain ent system establishes a satisfactory relation bestamp of business inferiority on it in the eyes of tween the people and the civil servants of the “the live men,” the pushing, active, busy, ad government would still have to be answered. It venturous multitude, who, after all, make the may be that the thing we propose would be no standards of social value which are in commonest improvement on the thing that is, but the fact use. — At present, office holding as a business that the existing system has the very defect which really gets a kind of credit from its extreme pre it is contended that the new system would have, cariousness and uncertainty. It is felt that any. and which is offered as a fatal objection to the body who gets into it must be in some sense introduction of the new system, is one which the “ practical.” He may have failed in trade, or in friends of “rotation ” can not expect us to pass some profession, or have, through some moral over unnoticed. — It may be laid down as one of defect, lost all chance with private employers, but the maxims of the administrative art, that no pubthen he must have, if he has got a government lic officer can ever take the right view of his office, office, made himself useful to “an influence” or of his relation to the people whom he serves, through some kind of “work.” Successful elec- who feels that he has owed his appointment to tioneering, for instance, may not require a high any qualification but his fitness, or holds it by order of talent, or very much character, but any any tenure but that of faithful performance. No body who achieves it must have push and energy code of rules can take the place of this feeling. and some knowledge of men, and these are, of No shortening of the term can take its place. The course, no mean qualifications for success in life. act of 1820 was simply a very rude, clumsy plan Any one who possesses them, though he may of getting rid of the duty of careful supervision make a wretched custom house or postoffice clerk, and good discipline. Turning out all the officers will be sure of a certain amount of consideration every four years, in order to make sure that they from the busy world, which would not be accorded keep their accounts well, instead of turning to the modest, easily contented man who, in out as soon as possible those who do not keep choosing his calling, seeks only mental peace. In their accounts well, and retaining as long as truth, to sum up, there is no country in which it possible those who do keep their accounts well, would be so hard for an aristocracy of any kind reminds one of the old woman who whipped all to be built up as this, and probably no class seek- her children every night on a general presumption ing to make itself an aristocracy would, in the of blameworthiness. A suggestion of such a United States, have a smaller chance of success scheme of precaution in a bank would excite merthan a body composed of unambitious, quiet- / riment. A man's best service is given to those

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on whose good opinion he is dependent for the a good deal of trouble under the present spoils retention of his place. Under the spoils system, system. But the remedy for one absurdity is not places are filled without any reference to the good to be found in another absurdity. When a thing opinion of the public; in fact, very often in de- is being done by a wrong method, we do not fiance of the public. They are given as rewards mend matters by trying another wrong method. to men of whom the public knows nothing, for The true cure for the defects in the present sysservices of which the public has never heard, and tem of transacting public business is, the adoption which have generally been rendered to individu- of the methods which are found successful in prials. An officer who owes his appointment to a vate business. These are well known. They are party manager for aid given him in politics, can as old as civilization. They are gradually taking not but feel that his main concern in discharging possession of government business all over the the duties of his place must be the continued world. Our turn will come next, and, in spite of favor of the person to whom he owes it, and not “politics,” will probably come soon. the favor of the public which has had nothing to

E. L. GODKIN. do with it. It is, consequently, impossible to expect such an officer to feel that the public is his OHIO, a state of the American Union, formed master, or to show in his manner that he is in any from the northwest territory. (See ORDINANCE way dependent on its good opinion. He feels OF 1787; TERRITORIES.) Its territory north to that the boss or senator who got him his place is latitude 41° was a part of the Virginia cession; his master, and that his mode of discharging his the remainder was a part of the Connecticut cesduty must be such as to merit his approbation. sions, in which Connecticut retained the ownerHe does not fancy that he himself owns the ship but not the jurisdiction of the tract along office, but he fancies that another man does, and Lake Erie, since known as the Connecticut reserve. as long as he considers it the property of any one The name of the state was given from that of the man, it makes little difference to the public which river which is its southern boundary, a more man. — The only way in which the proprietorship euphonic corruption of the Indian name Youof the public can ever be brought home to office- ghiogheny. - By the act of May 7, 1800, that part holders is through a system which, whatever its of the northwest territory now included in Ohio modus operandi, makes capacity the one reason was set off under a distinct territorial government, for appointment, and efficiency the one safeguard and the remainder was organized as the territory against dismissal. No such system now exists of Indiana. (See INDIANA.) By the act of April here. Those who say that the plan of the civil- | 30, 1802, the people of Ohio were “authorized to service reformers would not produce it may be form for themselves a constitution and state govright, but it is not open to them to make in sup- ernment,” and a convention at Chillicothe, Nov. port of their opposition a charge which is notori- 1-29, 1802, formed the first constitution, which ously true of the system they are upholding. went into force without submission to popular Whether the proposed change, therefore, be the vote. The act of Feb. 19, 1803, did not purport best one or not, some change, it must be admitted, to admit the state, but declared that Ohio, by the is imperatively necessary. In fighting against formation of its constitution in pursuance of the any change, we are trying to avoid that adapta- act of April 30, 1802, “has become one of the tion of our administrative system to the vast United States of America,” and provided for the social and commercial changes of the past half extension of federal laws to the new state. It is century, from which no civilized people can now therefore a little doubtful whether Ohio as a state escape, and which all the leading nations of dates from Nov. 29, 1802, or from Feb. 19, 1803: Europe have effected or are effecting. Any one the latter is the date, if the precedents in the case who takes the trouble to examine the reforms of the admitting acts of all other new states are to which have been carried out since 1815, in France, govern this case; the former, if we are to be gov. or England, or Germany, which in all these coun erned by the express language of the act of Feb. 19, tries have amounted to a social transformation, 1803. - BOUNDARIES. The boundaries assigned will be surprised to find how much of them con by the enabling act and the state constitution were sists simply in improvements in administration, as follows: east, the Pennsylvania line; south, the or, rather, how fruitless the best legislative Ohio river; west, a due north line from the mouth changes would have been without improved ad of the Great Miami river; and north, an east and ministrative machinery for their execution. We west line drawn through the southerly extreme of can not very much longer postpone the work Lake Michigan to Lake Erie, and thence through which other nations have accomplished, and nei. the lake to the Pennsylvania line. It was, howther can we avoid it by plans-like Mr. Pendle ever, doubtful at the time whether this northern ton's constitutional amendment--for getting rid boundary would meet Lake Erie east of the of responsibility by making more executive offices “Miami river of the lake” [Maumee]; if it should elective. This, like the act of 1820, is simply a prove to do so, both the enabling act and the makeshift. Nobody pretends that elected postmasters would be any better than, or as good as,

* This article was originally printed in pamphlet form as

one of the publications of the civil-service reform associaproperly appointed postmasters All that can be

tion, with whose kind permission, together with the permissaid for them is, that they would save the president sion of the author, it appears here.--Ev.

state constitution reserved the power to so amend Columbus, and the state government was removed it as to make the Maumee the terminus of the thither in December, 1816. The constitution of east and west line. Before Michigan was admit 1851 formally designated it as the capital. — ted as a state, it was ascertained that a direct GOVERNORS. Edward Tiffin, 1802–8; Samuel Eastward line, as originally proposed, would enter Huntington, 1808–10; R. J. Meigs, 1810–14; Thos. Lake Erie so far east as to give to Michigan about Worthington, 1814–18; Ethan A. Brown, 1818– half of Ohio's lake coast, and a valuable strip of 22; Jeremiah Morrow, 1822–6; Allen Trimble, land in the north, including the city of Toledo. 1826–30; Duncan McArthur, 1830–32; Robert Michigan pressed her claim, and the dispute rose Lucas, 1832–6; Joseph Vance, 1836–8; Wilson to such a height as to be given the popular title Shannon, 1838–40; Thomas Corwin, 1840–42; Wilof the “ Toledo war.” It was settled by the act son Shannon, 1842–4; Mordecai Bartley, 1844-6; of June 15, 1836, to admit Michigan as a state: William Bebb, 1846–50; Reuben Hood, 1850—54; its first section provided that the northern bound- | William Medill, 1854–6; Salmon P. Chase, ary of Ohio should not be a direct east and west 1856–60; William Denison, 1860-62; David Tod, line, but should trend to the north far enough to 1862–4; John Brough, 1864-6; J. D. Cox, 1866–8; strike the most northerly cape of Maumee bay, R. B. Hayes, 1868–72; Edward F. Noyes, 1872–4; thus giving Ohio the territory in dispute. Michi William Allen, 1874–6; R. B. Hayes, 1876–8; R. gan at first rejected but afterward accepted admis- M. Bishop, 1878–80; Charles Foster, 1880–84. — sion on these terms. - CONSTITUTIONS. The first | POLITICAL HISTORY. Ohio was admitted to the constitution, mentioned above, made manhood Union at a time (1802–3) when there was practisuffrage universal, on one year's residence; pro-cally but one party in the country, outside of vided for a house of representatives to number New England; it was therefore of necessity a not less than twenty-four nor more than seventy- republican (or democratic) state from the begintwo members, to serve one year, and for a senate ning. It was such of choice also; the great demnot more than one-half nor less than one-third the ocratic features of policy at the time, the acquisinumber of the house, to be chosen by districts tion of Louisiana, the war of 1812, and the oppoand to serve two years; made two-thirds of each sition to a national bank, were all very popular in house a quorum to do business; gave the gov. Ohio, and for thirty years there was little or no ernor a term of two years; and prohibited slav- opposition to the democratic party in the state's ery. The governor was to be chosen by popu- elections. In local politics the most noteworthy lar vote, but was to have no veto power, nor features were due to the great mass of power any other power than to grant reprieves and which the constitution had concentrated in the pardons, convene extra sessions of the legisla- legislature. That body, provoked by certain deture, command the state forces, commission cisions of the state judges on the validity of state appointees, and temporarily fill vacancies occur laws, passed its so-called "sweeping resolution,” ring when the legislature was not in session. Jan. 7, 1810, declaring that, as the state had been The secret of this restriction upon the govern- organized in 1802, and as the judicial term of or's powers, which was continued in the con

office was

seven years,” the seats of all state stitution of 1851, may probably be found in the judges were now vacant, no matter when their frequent disagreements which had taken place incumbents had been appointed. The judges between Governor St. Clair and the territorial held to their offices, and the “sweeping resolulegislatures. — A new constitution was framed by a tion” failed, except in causing a momentary conconvention at Columbus, May 6 - July 9, 1850, fusion. Again, in 1818, the legislature attacked and Cincinnati, Dec. 2, 1850 - March 10, 1851, and the state branch of the United States bank (see was ratified, June 17, by a popular vote of 126,663 BANK CONTROVERSIES, III.), but the attempt was to 109,699. Its main alterations were that the defeated by the United States supreme court, and sessions of the legislature were now to be biennial; was finally abandoned under cover of several a complicated apportionment system, apparently angry resolutions. — Schemes of internal improvemodeled on that of Massachusetts, was introduced; ment, chiefly in the form of roads and canals, state officers, except the governor, were to be early found favor in Ohio, so that, when the new chosen by the legislature; the legislature was for distribution of national parties took place in bidden to loan the state's credit to corporations or 1824–30, a strong vote was developed for Adams to create corporations by special laws; and the and Clay, and the policy of internal improvements judiciary was made elective. — A new constitution and a protective tariff which they represented. was framed by a convention at Columbus, May In 1824 Clay obtained the electoral vote of the 14- Aug. 8, 1873, and Cincinnati, Dec. 2, 1873 - state by a slight plurality over Adams and JackMay 14, 1874; but it was tejected by very heavy son; in 1828 and 1832 Jackson obtained a majorpopular majorities, Aug. 18. A subsequent at-ity of only of 1 per cent. of the popular vote. tempt to revise the judiciary system was also a In 1829 a Clay governor was elected, and the state failure. – Chillicothe was the state capital until government was nominally whig until 1838. The 1810, and Zanesville until 1812. In February, electoral vote of the state was given to Harrison 1812, the legislature accepted the offers of a land in 1836. – In 1837-8 began a general course of company to lay out a capital, and erect a state democratic success in the state, which lasted until house and penitentiary. The new city was called 1855, with but two important breaks, the presi

dential elections of 1840 and 1844. In both of only very close popular vote being in 1876, when these the state's electoral votes were given to the Hayes received 330,698, Tilden 323,182, and 4,769 whig candidates, Harrison and Clay respectively, were scattering.- From 1856 until 1860 the repuband the whig candidates for governor were licans held general control of the state, though in carried in by the current. In 1845 the whig leg- | 1857 a democratic legislature was chosen, and islature sent Corwin to the senate, in which the Gov. Chase was only re-elected by 1,481 majority state was represented by democrats from 1837 over Henry B. Payne. During all this period the until 1855, with the exceptions of Corwin and old national road through the middle of the state Chase. — At its meeting in December, 1848, the (see CUMBERLAND ROAD) was a sort of Mason lower house of the legislature was unable to organ- and Dixon's line between the democratic southern ize for some time. The vote of Cincinnati had and the republican northern halves of the state. long made the five Hamilton county members The outbreak of the rebellion brought the state into democratic; the last whig legislature had there a greater national prominence than it had hitherto fore divided the county into two districts, thus had. The high intellectual and physical standard securing two whig members. The democrats of the population enabled it to contribute more ignored the act as unconstitutional, and elected than its share of military and civil leaders. Mcfive members, as usual. The election clerk gave Dowell, McClellan, Rosecrans, Grant, Buell, 0. the two disputed democratic members certificates. M. Mitchell, W. T. Sherman, Gillmore, Sheridan, In December the democrats swore in forty-two McPherson, McCook, Custer, Stanton, Wade, members, including Pugh and Pierce, of Hamil. Chase, John Sherman, Hayes, and Garfield, were ton county; and the whigs thirty-two, including all born or resident in the state in 1861. The enSpencer and Runyon, contestants. Neither side thusiasm for the war, and the close union of the would act with the other, and two inchoate houses war democrats and republicans made the state were organized; but neither had the two-thirds majority heavy and steady: war appropriations majority necessary for a quorum. The dead-lock in 1861 were made by unanimous votes of both was broken by an agreement that the seventy parties; and the republicans nominated former uncontested members should organize the house, democrats for governor, Tod in 1861, Brough in and Pugh and Pierce were seated, Jan. 26, 1849, 1863, and Cox in 1865. In 1863 the arrest of by a vote of 32 to 31. Chase's election as United Vallandigham (see HABEAS Corpus) obtained for States senator in 1849 seems to have been at least him the democratic nomination for governor; but partially influenced by this dispute. A strong after an excited canvass he was defeated by a anti-slavery element had always existed in the popular vote of 247,194 to 185,274, and a soldiers' state democratic party, represented by such lead vote of 41,467 to 2,288; total majority, 101,099. ers as Thomas Morris and Benjamin Tappan. In The state remained republican until 1873, except this legislature the whigs and free-soil whigs that in 1867, when Hayes defeated Thurman for together exactly equaled the numbers of the the governorship, by the narrow majority of democrats, and the balance of power was held by 2,983, the legislature was democratic in both two independent free-soilers. These agreed to branches by majorities of one and seven respectvote with the democrats on nominations for state | ively. The new legislature rescinded the ratiofficers if the latter would repeal the “black laws" | fication of the 14th amendment, Jan. 15, 1868, of the state against negroes (see SLAVERY, II.), and rejected the 15th amendment, April 1, 1869. and elect S. P. Chase, a free-soil democrat, (See CONSTITUTION, III.) – In 1873 the demoto the senate. The bargain was carried out, Feb. crats nominated for governor William Allen, who 22, 1849, and Chase was elected. — In 1846 and had not been in political life since his retire1848 the whig candidate for governor, Bebb, was ment from the senate in 1849, and he defeated elected by a narrow majority in both cases Governor Noyes by a vote of 214,654 to 213,837, (116,900 to 114,570, and 147,738 to 146,461); but and 20,387 scattering. The legislature was in 1848 the electoral votes were democratic by a also democratic, but the other state officers plurality. In 1850 Wood, a democrat, was elected elected were republicans. In 1875 the republicans governor by a vote of 133,093 to 121,105 whig, and brought back ex-Governor Hayes as a candidate, 13,802 free-soil; and in 1853 the vote for Medill, and he defeated Allen by a plurality of 5,644, the democrat, was 147,663 to 85,820 whig, and legislature again becoming republican. This suc50,346 free-soil. In 1854 the whig and free-soil cess obtained for Governor Hayes the republican vote was united under the name of the republican nomination for the presidency in the following party. Its first state convention was held at Co- year. The state has since remained republican, lumbus, July 13, 1854; and its nominee for gov- except that in 1877, on a light vote, the democrats ernor, Chase, was elected in 1855 by a vote of elected the governor and a majority of both 146,641 to 131,091 for Medill, and 24,310 for branches of the legislature. The new legislature Trimble (American). The legislature was heavily proceeded to change the congressional districts of republican in both branches, and the congressional | the state, which had been laid out after the census delegation of twenty-one members was unani- of 1870, and to reorganize the state institutions, mously republican. In 1856 the electoral vote of as to obtain party control of them; but its the state was given to Fremont; it has since been work in both respects was undone by the followgiven to the republican candidates invariably, the ling legislature, which was republican. – During

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