ambition and restless spirit of France, and continued in order to check her devastating progrefs, may be read inftructively for documents and facts. We were, however, to reafon from past experience and from prefent appearances. We were to reason not only

from what we knew of the destructive march of the Revolution over the fairest portions of Europe, through America, in Africa, and over Afia; but the recent and public declaration of the Rulers in the last of their ufurpations, is to form a pregnant fource of evidence of the same spirit disguised under new forms, yet changed in form only; for ftill we might mark their devotion to the unity of the end. In the hote of M. Talleyrand we found it afferted, that, "from the commencement of her Revolution, the Republic folemnly proclaimed her love of peace, her difinclination to conquefts, and her refpect for the independence of all Governments." Thofe

were the words of the French Minister in the note on their Lordfhips' table; but how ftood the facts? "Solemnly proclaimed her love of peace," and yet this love of peace, fo folemnly proclaimed, was manifefted in being at war in the courfe of eight years with every nation in Europe, except two (Sweden and Denmark), and next to being at war with America. Was it in this that their Lordships would find it proved that France had changed her fenti-· ments, and adopted pacific views? If love of peace were eagerness for war, then might M. Talleyrand well urge it in favour of his Government, that the Republic folemnly proclaimed her love of peace. But not only was the Republic at war with all the nations of Europe, except the two already named, but is at this moment, if not at war, at least on terms of threatening hoftility with one of those two States. Their Lordships would conjecture that he here alluded to Sweden, whofe ambaffador recently quitted the metropolis of the Republic with precipitation, and the probability of his being replaced was very doubtful. On the other hand, if war has not been formerly declared by France against those two northern powers, their fubjects, and the commerce carried on by them, have suffered in aggravated inftances from the cruizers of the Republic (whofe depredations found fanction from her laws), a series of injuries, of infults, and injustice; tolerable in war, because common to it; but most intolerable in peace, becaufe directly repugnant to the principles of any just peace or recognized neutrality. He had already remarked, that even America could not cfcape that ravaging Republic. The fact had indeed been, that next to a ftate of active and inveterate war, was the state of those two Republics for a long time. Then furely it was not in those facts that noble Lords were to look for VOL. X.

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proofs that the principles and views of the Republic were at length changed from wild, anarchic and deftructive hoftility, to the cherished eftablishments of civilized community, to the habits of meeknefs, moderated ambition, and tempered pride; to a fyftem, in fhort, of juftice and love of order, which were to make peace defirable, because it might be obtained in the spirit of peace, and with the guarantee of justice for the permanence of its ftipulations, and of the rights and liberties of Europe and mankind. Thefe, however, were not the only facts he had to state as proofs of the hoftile mind and innovating views of the Government of France. The war was an aggreffion of juftice in its origin, and began its progrefs with every demonftration of injuftice. No fingle act of their Government was free from the direct charge of meditated oppreffion, or matured contempt for the laws of nations and the rights of individuals. Would then any man hereafter state it in the face of their Lordships, and of Europe, that the original character of the Republic is wholly changed, that fecurity for peace is to be feen in their more recent declarations and conduct? But how is it with this other affertion in the note of their Minister, "The Republic proclaimed her difinclination to conqueft." She did; and we have accordingly feen her march her armies to the Rhine, feize the Netherlands, and annex them (if that were poffible) for ever to the Republic. Have not we witneffed her progrefs in Italy Are not the wrongs of Switzerland recent and marked? Do we in thofe tranfactions dif cover that difinclination to conqueft which the Republic proclaimed? But it is not in Europe only that France has developed her plan of dominion and her projects of conqueft! Even into Afia has the carried her arms, and feparated from the Porte a vaft portion of its empire? It is not then in her difinclination to conqueft that we are to find the pledge of altered fentiments, the manifeftation of zi moderate views and principles-" The Republic proclaimed her Ptefpect for the independence of all Governments." We had here

(his Lordship faid) a very important inquiry, on entering upon which it was right to observe, that nations at war (and nations too at war to add to their territory by conqueft) might in many cafes refpect the independence of other nations. It is not neceffarily the condition on which new provinces are conquered, that the conqueror shall violate the independence of thofe provinces. States may, indeed, change their rulers, but the form and fpirit of the general an established institutions may be refpected and preferved. Hence could the right of France to extend her line of territory by conque be admitted, still would it be a violation by her of the laws an

rights of nations not to respect the independence of other States. But, with the right of conqueft denied her (as how could a Government, itself an ufurpation, the creation of a day, poffefs that right), her interference in the internal Government of other nations, her aggreflions on the rights, and violation of the independence of other States, added to the criminality and deepened the atrocity of her conduct. Did not Jacobin France attempt the overthrow of every Government? Did not Jacobin France arm governors against the governed; and when her politics fuited it, did not fhe arm the governed against the governors? What had been her conduct in Switzerland? In Italy the whole fcheme of civil fociety was changed, and the independence of every Government violated. The Netherlands, too, remain to exhibit to mankind monuments of the awful veneration with which the Republic has regarded the independence of other States. Was it part of the fyftem formed to give permanence to their abhorrence of all interference with the internal Government of other countries, to their refpect for the independence of all other nations, to publish their memorable decree of November 1792. That decree had not flept a dead letter on their statute book. No, it was ftill the active energetic principle of their whole conduct. It was that principle on which they acted when they dethroned Kings and plundered Princes. It was that principle which, ftill ftrong and still indefatigable, every Monarch in Europe must arm himself to refift and overcome. The whole world was interested in the extinction of that principle for ever. Having thus ftated the question in thefe various views, with much force and eloquence, his Lordship claimed it as the fair refult of the facts he adduced, that the affertions of the Minister of France were contradicted and proved to be falfe, by a reference to the events of the war, and to the history of the rife and progress of the Revolution. The affertions of M. Talleyrand being the declaration in great part of the altered fentiments and views of the Rulers of France, their Lordships would readily perceive in the refutation of those affertions, a proof alfo of the hollownefs of that declaration. They would perceive that, far from having renounced all views of aggrandizement, far from being willing to respect the independence of other nations, far from being fincere in her proclamation of a love of peace, fhe is ftill Jacobin France, that France that urged Europe to a cruel and deftructive war, that has accumulated province on province, overthrown State after State, outraged the rights of humanity, and trampled on and destroyed the laws and the conftitutions of other nations. The application of all this to his first prin

The House must have

ciple, his Lordship confidered inevitable. felt, that every fact in the whole feries tended directly to prove that no change had taken place in the genuine fentiments and views of the Government of France. How truly the fecond principle was founded cn just conceptions of the views and conduct of the Republic, would appear prefently. It would appear," that no fafe, honourable, and permanent peace could be made with France in her present situation, and with her present Rulers." The proofs in this cafe were numerous. Every power with whom the Republic had treated, whether for armiftice or for peace, could furnish melancholy inftances of the perfidy of France, and of the ambition, injuftice, and cruelty of her Rulers. Did the agree to a fufpenfion of arms, it was in order to be admitted into the ftate of the negotiating Prince, that the might the more fuccefsfully undermine his Throne, by corrupting the principles of his fubjects. She has only wifhed for an armistice as a truce, in the course of which she was to plan the diforganization of feeble States, to excite the people, to rebellion, depofe the magiftrates, and feize on the revenues and force of powers for whom she had vowed eternal friendship. In no ftage of their progress have her generals disguised that they entered neighbouring countries only to defpoil the rich of their inheritances; and even poverty itself has been ftripped of her rags, of those relics of wretchedness which the ftorm had not quite torn away, that the Republic might yet perfevere in her war of extermination to all people and to al! Kings. The fate of Switzerland, of that brave, honest and generous people, was in the recollection of noble Lords. Switzerland concluded a truce with the Republic; the Republic excited infurrections in Switzerland; overthrew her inftitutions; oppreffed her people with contributions; degraded, depofed, or exiled her magiftracy; feized on her ftrong places; affumed the command of her armies; and, to give permanence to the ufurpation, imposed on her a Government not new merely in form but in name. Here was a striking illustration of the good faith which the Republic obferved towards powers with whom the concluded armistices. If again armiftice has been followed by negotiation for peace, negotiation for peace has feldom been productive of much else than protracted ruin, or has been the prelude to more destructive war. 'The hiftory of her negotiations was the hiftory of wickednefs, the record of crimes. It was the teeming annals of hollow, deep, inflexible perfidy, of treaties made to be violated without fhame, and of alliances formed to be outraged without remorfe. Through all Europe thefe truths. were acknowledged, becaufe through all Europe the effects had been felt, and deprecated, of the terrible wreck of Thrones and the

overthrow of States, which were the iffues of French alliance and the pledges of French faith. The Grand Duke of Tuscany was among the early fufferers by a treaty of peace with the Republic: In every thing that abufed Prince ftrove to conform his conduct to the views of France; but the train had been laid, and, at a moment when the honour of the Republic was pledged for the fecurity of his State, he faw the troops of his ally enter his capital, the Governor of that city (Florence) imprisoned, his fubjects in a state of rebellion, and himself about to be exiled from his dominions. It was to this Prince, however, that the Republic repeated her affurances of attachment; but the Republic that fought not conqueft, that would not interfere with the Government of other States, depofed the Sovereing, and gave a democracy to the Florentines. The King of Sardinia opened the gates of his capital to the Republican arms, and, confiding in the integrity of the French Government, expected to find his poffeffions guaranteed by the treaty which recognised his title and his rights, and which guaranteed to France adequate advantages. He was forced to refign his continental dominions, while the city of Turin was treacherously taken poffeffion of by the Republicans. Hiftory would record these events with the minuteness which belong to them, and in that fucceffion in which, to the misfortune of all nations, they opened on mankind. The change of the Papal Government was part of that fyftem. It was fchemed by Jofeph Bonaparte in his palace; and after that Ambaffador had excited an infurrection, we saw the Revolution effected by him at the head of the Roman mob. In the example of Naples was difplayed the fame contempt of the laws of war and of the rights of peace. The King of that State might have hoped, that towards him the faith of treaty would be observed; for he had done nothing to provoke the wrath or excite the cupidity of the Republic. It was true, indeed, that a war broke out between that Prince and the Roman Republic; 'but was there a man living who doubted but that that Republic, in itself neither inclined nor prepared to commence a war, was inftigated by France to provoke hoftilities? The fubfequent events of the war moft fully proved that France was in reality the author of it; for no fooner did the armies of thefe two States take the field, than the Republicans joined the troops of Rome, and, not fatisfied with defending the capitol, carried their pillaging and destroying arms into the heart of Naples. Fortunately, thofe Sovereigns had regained their dominions; but fo deep had the principles of anarchy and difloyalty been every where fown, that not even at this hour were the States of Italy in poffeffion of half the comforts of peace; nay, it might be feared that they experienced rather thofe hardships which

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