those who felt otherwife, and who were alive to the honour of their country, he trusted he should meet with proper fupport.

The House then divided; when there appeared, Against the motion, 115; for the motion, 32. Majority against it, 83.

Mr. ABBOT moved for certain accounts belonging to the departments of the Ordnance and Victualling Offices, as far as they were connected with the proceedings of the Committee of Finance, to be laid before the House by the Lords Commiffioners of the Admiralty.

Mr. WALLACE thought himself bound to object to the motion, as it might feem to caft fome imputation on the conduct of the Lords of the Admiralty, and more especially as there was already an order that the papers now called for fhould be laid before the House at the beginning of the Seffion, when all their proceedings were regularly to be laid before Parliament. The prefent motion he therefore thought fuperfluous, or as having no other tendency than to throw an unmerited reflection on the Lords Commiffioners of the Admiralty.

Mr. ABBOT difclaimed any fuch intention, and was ready, on the contrary, to bestow the highest praise on the vigilance and ac

tivity of those who, fo much to the honour and the fafety of their country, now prefided over that department. His only object was the introduction of certain arrangements into the Ordnance and Victualling Offices, which it had fome time fince been promised should take place.

After a few words in explanation between Mr. Abbot and Mr. Wallace, the motion was agreed to.

Mr. Chancellor PITT then moved, that the House at its rifing fhould adjourn to Monday next, that gentlemen should have time and leisure to examine the nature and tendency of the important business which was on that day to come under their confideration. The motion was agreed to, and the Houfe accordingly adjourned till Monday next.

Monday, January 27.

Mr. Nepean brought up feveral accounts from the Admiralty, which had been moved for by Mr. Abbot.

Mr. Long prefented feveral accounts relative to Finance, which were ordered to be printed.

On account of the indifpofition of Mr. Chancellor Pitt, the Order of the Day, for taking into confideration His Majesty's Meffage, &c. was deferred to Wednesday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, January 28.

Several accounts, directed to be annually laid before Parliament, were prefented from the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms, and ordered to lie upon the table.

The Order of the Day for taking His Majefty's Message into confideration being read,

Lord GRENVILLE rose, and observed, that the question which noble Lords were then fummoned to confider was one of the most momentous and important that ever came under the deliberation of Parliament. No comments of his could be wanting, therefore, to heighten the intereft of that difcuffion which would neceffarily arife from it. So much was already known to the House concerning the present state of this country and of Enrope, and fuch had been the declarations from time to time of those of their Lordships who, with him, faw the neceffity and juftice of the war in which we were en

gaged, that for him to detain their Lordships that evening to any great length, by ftating arguments to fupport the motion he should have the honour to propose, would be to arraign the justice of thofe declarations, and to appear to doubt the policy of those determinations which refulted from them. Their Lordships had, in their repeated addreffes, laid at the foot of the Throne the demonftrations of their perfect acquiefcence in the propriety of those measures which the fervants of the Crown had thought it most confiftent with their duty, and with the real interests of the country, to recommend and adopt. Unfortunately the fame neceffity ftill exifted for perfevering in the conteft. Nothing in the state and posture of the affairs of Europe admitted of a rational hope that for this country, or for Europe, there was any fecurity but in war. In faying this, in calling on their Lordships to concur with him in opinion, he would be understood to make the appeal to thofe of them only who always concurred with him; for to those who never did admit the neceffity and the juftice of the war, to those who never had approved of the conduct and concurred in the fentiments of His Majefty's Minifters, who concurred not, indeed, with all the thinking part of the nation, who would not even concur with mankind, he would make no appeal; on them he would not that night call for co-operation or fupport. It was not poffible to have made the study of the prefent condition of the world a principal care, without perceiving that a hoftile mind still pervades the whole conduct of the enemy.

From

the documents on their Lordships' table, the truth of that propofition was obvious. It was obvious, that the fame proneness to aggreffion, the fame difregard to juftice, ftill actuated the conduct of the men who rule in France. Under fuch circumstances, there could be no fecurity for Europe in peace. Peace with a nation

whose war was made against all order, all religion, all morality, would be rather a ceffation of refiftance to wrong than a fufpenfion of arms in the nature of ordinary warfare. Hence it was incumbent on that House and the Country to perfevere with increased vigour in the conteft. It was incumbent on their Lordships to renew that night the pledge of their fupport of His Majefty's Crown, and of all the dearest and beft interefts of Englishmen. It was incumbent on their Lordships to give to Europe and the World, demonftrations of that unyielding and undaunted fpirit which has maintained Great Britain, and fuccoured furrounding nations, in their great ftruggle against the arms, and worse then the arms, the infidious levelling principles of France. No man could read the papers on the table, coupled with the real conduct and apparent

views of that country-no man could gravely and with diferimination reflect on the profeffions and acts of the rulers of that Republic, without feeling that no defence could be effectual but what was planned with the decision, and maintained with the vigour of war. It was in war, therefore, that ourselves and the great civil community of Europe were to find fecurity. It was in war, too, as he moft confidently hoped and believed, that France was to find the full measure of punishment for her crimes. There was then ro courfe for the Houfe to take, but to fupport His Majesty in the profecution of those measures of juft defence which the urgency of the crisis rendered inevitable, and which the nature of our fituation required. But though he could fee no wife courfe which men withing the profperity of their country could purfue, but war, he nevertheless felt that peace might be, would indeed be, a bleffing, In other periods of the world, when the differences between nations arofe only from cuftomary difficulties, from caufes not overgrowing the laws and the acknowledged rights of nations, but springing from ordinary events, the work of peace was always undertaken with readiness, and perfevered in with zeal. In thefe times, when the differences that agitate States are of no common origin, when, indeed, they are the offspring of a mad and maddening fpirit of innovation, the work of peace must be entered on with caution, and purfued with jealoufy. Thus, to negotiate with eftablished Governments, was formerly not merely eafy, but under moft circumftances fafe; but to negotiate with the Government of France now, would be to incur all the risks of an uncertain truce, without attaining one of the benefits even of a temporary peace. Yet, were it not in contradiction to all experience, to believe, that a peace with that Republic is attainable and is fafe, fo much did he lament the miferies of war, that he would try negotiation. Their Lordships might believe him when he spoke their fentiments; they might believe that he deplored how much nations were disturbed, were ravaged and oppreffed in the progrefs of obftinate and hard contefted war. He deplored the fufferings of the nations of Europe; he deplored the lofs of the lives of thofe brave men who fell fighting the battles of their country; he deplored the fpreading mifery in States the feat of war; all these things and more he deplored: but he knew not how otherwife to avert ftill greater evils, to cut off the entail of, human mifery, than by perfevering in virtuous and energetic hoftility against a power which fought the dominion, and, with that, the deftruction of the world. Befides thefe most important confiderations, there were other reafons which

powerfully influenced him in wishing for peace. He was perfonally interested, as were thofe other perfons who with him formed the adminiftration of the country. By peace, they would be relieved from much labour, much anxiety, much perfonal refponfibility, while they faw in that event the pledge of tranquillity and profperity to their country. But this must be a peace with all the attributes of peace. It must be a peace with a Government and People formed and accustomed to preserve and maintain the relations of amity.

The exifting Government of France appeared to him not of this character; and until he could tell their Lordships and the country, until he could tell Europe, that he faw in the temper and conduct of the enemy the return of genuine moderation, and of good principles, he must with all its horrors, and great undoubtedly they must always be, prefer war. Nor did he doubt but those were the fentiments of the majority of that House, as, when the character of the enemy was rightly understood, they could not fail to be the fentiments of the great body of the people. He was not apprehenfive, therefore, that the motion he should prefently fubmit would meet with material oppofition. In fubftance, that motion would give to His Majefty a pledge of the unchanged and unalterable affe&tion of that Houfe, while. the continued fupport of Parliament, the affurances of the zeal and unanimity of his people, would yield that animating fanction to perfeverance and to conftancy, which must add weight to opinion, and give energy and effect to fuch measures as may be adopted to conduct the great conteft in which His Majefty is engaged to a fafe and honourable conclufion. There were two principles material to the question, which directly refulted from this ftatement, and which must form the basis of all difcuffion on it. The firft was, that France ftill retained thofe fentiments, and fhewed that conftancy to thofe views, which characterifed and marked the dawn, and continues to march with the progrefs of her Revolution. was innovating, fhe is ftill fo;-she was Jacobin, fhe is ftill fo ;The was faithlefs to treaty, fhe is ftill fo;fhe declared war against all Kings, the continues to feek the destruction of all Kings. But he would ftate the facts, and their Lordships would judge of the exactnefs of his conclufions. Before doing this, it was more in order to ftate the fecond principle from whence to reafon : and that was, that no fafe, honourable, and permanent peace could be made with France in her prefent fituation, and with her prefent rulers. Now, what were the facts on which the firft of thefe principles refted for proof and fupport. The whole hiftory of a war provoked by the

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