to attend a public meeting, and to hold up our hands in support of a favourite measure; but if, when we are called to exercise a still more important right, to elect a representative, we are guided by self interest, or any other motive than what proceeds from the pure dictates of conscience, it is in vain that we blame the conduct of statesmen, How many persons have declaimed against public abuses, and have afterwards voted for the very men who have distinguished themselves as the firm supporters of those abuses! Although our representatives ought in general to be left to the free exercise of their own judgment, there are some points which having been amply discussed, and on which we have deliberately formed our opinion, must not be given up; and we ought seriously to resolve never to vote for a man who will not pledge himself to promote, by every means in his power, the most rigid and extensive inquiry into abuses in all the departments of state, and a reform of parliament. The observations we have made on this important subject are respectfully offered to the consideration of our countrymen in general, and more especially to those whom we lately had the pleasure of meeting-The FREEHOLDERS of ESSEX. Several of the reporters of their proceedings have taken the liberty of remarking "That not a single gentleman of the county unconnected with "opposition was present on that occasion." How these writers should be acquainted with the connections of every gentleman present, it is impossible to divine. We can, however, with confidence affirm, that the requisition for a county meeting was first set on foot and signed by a number of freeholders equally unconnected with opposition or administration; and that the numerous and respectable meeting alluded to, were not in their deliberations and resolutions under the influence of any PARTY OF INDIVIDU AL, nor had they in assembling together, the most distant view of promoting the interest of any gentleman who might be supposed to have an eye to the representation of the county. What passed at that meeting;-the independent spirit which displayed itself, more particularly, respecting Parliamentary Reform, the introduction of a motion on that subject, and the marked approbation with which it was received, although in opposition to the opinion of one gentleman, Mr. MONTAGU BURGOYNE, who had been active in his exertions to procure the meeting, but who on account of his previous engagements not to bring forward such a motion, was at first unfriendly to it; these circumstances must convince every impartial person, that the meeting was composed of those, who perfectly uninfluenced by any man, or set of men, followed the dictates of their own judgment. The state of the representation of this county demands, however, the serious consideration of the Freeholders. The gentleman to whom we have just alluded, in a Jetter which through the channel of the public prints has been very extensively circulated, has informed the freeholders," that there "has been as little representation in Essex for these last forty years, “as in old Sarum, or in any of the old rotten boroughs;" and it may be added, that the county, might be as well represented by old women, as by old men, or indeed by any description of persons, as by those who so seldom attend their duty in parliament as the representatives of Essex have done. It is therefore high time that the freeholders should be prepared for any future vacancy, by fixing their attention on men who are independent of all parties, and whose principles, character, and situation in life elevate them above the temptations of places, pensions, sinecures, or court favours of any kind. Persons of such a description it may not be difficult to find in the county, should there be independence and spirit enough in the freeholders to call them forth. The chairman of the late county meeting, Sir HENRY MILDMAY, Bart. The hon. Mr. NEVILLE, not to mention others the decided friends of reformi, would as representatives do honour to the county; and the freehol ders would do themselves equal honour by electing persons of such a description. Gentlemen who have so feelingly deplored the sad state of the representation of the county, would doubtless display their usual zeal in assisting the freeholders to restore its independence. It is by such conduct that the friends to reform will prove the sincerity of their recent professions. Consistency in a good cause is the best proof of integrity. There are however persons, some of whom mean well, but who are seldom disposed to exert themselves, even on those occasions in which the welfare of their country is materially concerned; and who, discouraged by that torpor, indifference, and venality which have marked the present age, are perpetually exclaiming-. “Public meetings will do no good; it is useless attending them." To such persons it may be replied," Public meetings have done “good, and they will do good." They awaken attention, they pres sent much useful information; they rally the friends of freedom; they display that British spirit to which alone, we owe our ascendancy over other nations; and after all, should not the objects so earnestly and perseveringly sought after be finally attained; should our statesmen, by an infatuated adherence to a long standing, and universally acknowledged system of corruptions and abuses, and by an obstinate refusal to adopt a system of radical reform, at length produce, that justly dreaded event-A REVOLUTION, those individuals who have by every means in their power endeavoured to stem the torrent; who have made every personal consideration yield to the love of their country, will in the season of national distress, be free from that anguish which will suddenly overwhelm the corrupt, the selfish, and the indolent, and experience that invaluable reward, the approbation of their conscience and their God. Harlow, July 14. B. F. MONTHLY REGISTER, FOR JANUARY, 1809. STATE PAPERS. COURT OF INQUIRY. REPORT OF THE BOARD TO HIS MAJESTY. May it please your Majesty, We, the underwritten General Officers of the army, in obedience to your Majesty's warrant, which bears date the First day of November, 1808, commanding us strictly to inquire into the conditions of a suspension of arms, concluded on the 22d of August, 1808, between your Majesty's army in Portugal, and the French force in that country and also into a definitive convention, concluded with the French general commanding on the 31st of August following: also into all the causes and circumstances (whether arising from the previous operations of the British army, or otherwise, which led to them)-and into the conduct, behaviour, and proceedings of Lieutenant-General Sir Hew Dalrymple, and such other commander or commanders of your Majesty's forces in Portugal-and of any other person or persons, as far as the same were connected with the said armistice, suspension of arms, and convention-and to report to your Majesty a state thereof, as it shall appear, together with our opinion thereon, and also our opinion, whether any, and what further proceedings should be had thereupon. We bave, at several meetings, perused and considered your Majesty's orders and instructions, as transmitted to us by the right hon. Lord Castlereagh, your Majesty's princi VOL. V. pal secretary of state, together with sundry letters, and other papers, therewith transmitted :- And have heard and examined Lieutenant-General Sir Hew Dalrymple, Sir Harry Burrard, and Sir Arthur Wellesley, and other principal officers employed on the said expedition, with such witnesses as any of them desired :—And also such other persong as seemed to us most likely to give any material information :—And in order that your Majesty may be fully possessed of every circumstance which has appeared in the course of this inquiry,— - We beg leave to lay before your Majesty the whole of our examina tions and proceedings, to this our Report annexed. And upon the most diligent and careful review of the whole matter, we do, in further obedience to your royal command, most humbly report to your Majes ty:-[Here follows an abstract of the evidence.] The Report then proceeds as follows: It appears that some of the principal advantages to arise from the convention were in contemplation of the generals. That it immediately liberated the kingdom of Portugal from the dominion of the French, thereby restoring to the inhabitants their capital and fortresses, their principal sea-ports, their personal liberty, property, religion, and established go vernment. That it relieved a great extent of Spanish frontier from all apprehensions of an enemy, and the whole of Spain from that of having an enemy Α behind them, and allowed all parts. cause, by finding employment for of Spain to take more effective measures for its general defence; as well as permitted Portugal immediately to contribute for their mutual support. That it enabled the British army immediately to enter Spain, if required, by central routes, while it transported the French force to a very distant part of their own coast, far removed from the Spanish fron tier. That it immediately released 4000 Spanish soldiers, and sent them to the defence of Catalonia; it also released from the Portuguese frontier another body of 2000 Spanish troops. The Portuguese army also became disposable for the common cause. To the men of war and transports, which at this season of the year, with great difficulty could keep their station near the coast, and on whose presence the supplies and operations of the army depended, the opening of the Tagus afforded immediate shelter. It is further urged by the generals, as much more than probable, that if the enemy had been required to lay down their arms, and surrender prisoners of war, they would not have complied; but if driven to extremity, that they would have retired upon Lisbon, reinforced by 6000 Russians, who must have been thus compelled to share their fate; and in the temporary attack of this city, much calamity and destruction must have ensued. Also, that masters of the Russian fleet, and of the boats and shipping in the Tagus, the passage of the ri ver was ensured to them: that they could have defended for a considerable time its east bank, and prevented the occupation of the Tagus by our fleet: that, with the strong fortresses of Alantejo in their possession, they could have protracted a destructive war, to the great detriment of Portugal and the Spanish the greater part of the British army, for the remainder of the year, and whose difficulties and losses in such operation must have been very considerable. It appears, that the forts on the Tagus were taken possession of on the 24 of September by the British troops, and the port was then open ed to our shipping: that on the 5th the army had its right at St. Juliens, and its left on the heights of Bellas: that on the 8th or 9th, a British corps marched into Lisbon, to ensure the tranquillity of that city, during the embarkation of the enemy, who were all sent off (except the last division, purposely detained) before the end of the month, and part of the British army was then actually on its route towards the Spanish frontier. It appears, that during the discussion, and afterwards during the execution of the convention, much firmness was shewn in resisting the pretensions and interpretations of the enemy; every stipulation being restricted to its fair, honourable, and grammatical meaning, and the French not allowed to carry off, but obliged to disgorge plunder, which they affected to consider as private property. It appears, that pains were taken to misrepresent and raise a clamour in Portugal against the convention; but when it was generally known, and its effects felt, the people of Lisbon, and of the country, scem to have expressed their gratitude and thanks for the benefits attending it. It has been urged by Sir Hew Dalrymple, and allowed by MajorGeneral Spencer, that in Egypt, in 1801 (after the victory of the 21st of March, the French having thrown their whole force into Alexandria and Grand Cairo, about 10,000 men in each place) that at the siege of Alexandria, in August, the country was in full possession of the British and Turks. The garrison, cut off, from every possibility of relief, and could only have held out some days, when a capitulation was granted to it, September the 2d, as favourable as the convention of Cintra to the army of Junot (of 24,000 French and 6000 Russians) and perfectly similar in all the chief articles of men, baggage, artillery, conveyance, &c. also, that the same terms had been previously granted to the garrison of Cairo, under much the same circumstances. By these two conventions, or capitulations, above 20,000 French evacuated Egypt, and the British army was left disposable for other purposes. On the whole, it appears, that the operations of the army under Sir Arthur Wellesley, from his landing in Mondego bay the 1st of August, until the conclusion of the action at Vimiera, the 21st of August, were highly honourable and successful, and such as might be expected from a distinguished general, at the head of a British army of 13,000 men, augmented on the 20th and 21st to to 17,000, deriving only some small aid from a Portuguese corps (1600 men) and against whom an enemy, not exceeding 14,000 men in the field, was opposed; and this before the arrival of a very considerable reinforcement from England, under Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, which, however, did arrive and join the army, from the 25th to the 30th of August. It appears a point on which no evidence adduced can enable the board to pronounce, with confidence, whether or not a pursuit after the battle of the 21st, could have been efficacious; nor can the board feel confident to determine on the expedience of a forward movement to Torres Vedras, when Sir Harry Burrard has stated weighty considerations against such a measure. Further, it is to be observed, that so many collateral circumstances could not be known in the moment of the enemy's repulse, as afterwards became clear to the army, and have been represented to the board. And considering the extraordinary circumstances under which two new commanding generals arrived from the ocean, and joined the army, (the one during, and the other immediately after the battle, and those successively superseding each other, and both the origi nal commander within the space of 24 hours) it is not surprising that the army was not started forward, until the second day after the action, from the necessity of the generals being acquainted with the actual state of things, and of their army, and proceeding accordingly. It appears that the convention of Cintra in all its progress and conclusion, or at least all the principal articles of it, were not objected to by the five distinguished LieutenantGenerals of that army; and other general officers who were of that service, whom we have had an opportunity to examine, have also concurred in the great advantages that were immediately gained to the country of Portugal, to the army and navy, and to the general service, by the conclusion of the convention at that time. On a consideration of all circumstances, as set forth in this report, we most humbly submit our opinion, that no further military proceeding is necessary on this subject. Because, however some of us may differ in our sentiments respecting the fitness of the convention in the relative situation of the two armies, it is our unanimous declaration, that unquestionable zeal and firmness appear throughout to have been exhibited by Lieutenant-Generals Sir Hew Dalrymple, Sir Harry Burrard, and Sir Arthur Wellesley, as well as that the ardour and gallantry of the rest of the officers and soldiers, on every occasion during this expedition, have done honour to the troops, and reflected lustre |