Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

IV.

́uniting dignity in the magistrate and liberty SERMON in the subject, with protection and security to all. Justly may we challenge those who attempt to criticise it, to produce, from the annals of history, any example of such a multitude of men as the British subjects, held together in the bonds of civil society, under so few restraints, and with such full enjoyment of freedom as we possess: blessed too for a whole century past with a succession of princes, who made the laws of the land the rule of their government; blessed now with a sovereign at the head of the empire, to whom faction itself cannot impute, throughout his long reign, any acts of tyranny, cruelty, or oppression; whose personal virtues and whose domestic conduct hold forth to the nation such a high example of piety, decency and good order, as, if generally followed, would render all his subjects happy.

In opposition to such sentiments as I have now delivered in favour of the constitution of our country, we are called upon, by a certain set of men, to look to a republic, as the glory of all governments. There we are told, -eyery man comes forth to act his

SERMON part with vigour; and by the exertion of VI. his talents, has opportunities of rising to

the highest distinction and power.-In reply to this, let it be observed, first, that there are no advantages claimed by a republic, but what under the British constitution are enjoyed to the full. On the exertion of any laudable and honourable talent whatever, no restraint is laid; no odious distinctions take place between the nobility and the people; no severe exclusive privileges are possessed by the former to the prejudice of the latter; but merit in every rank has the freest scope, and examples abound of persons rising by their talents from ordinary rank and humble birth to high distinction in the state.

But next, it may be boldly asserted, that of all the forms of government which have been established on the earth, the republican is attended with the greatest disadvantages to those who live under it. In a small state, where the people resemble the inhabitants of one family, the management of their concerns can more safely be carried on by their own joint counsels, without any supreme magistrate. But if govern

ment

VI.

ment be extended over a large territory, SERMON and over numerous inhabitants of different orders and fortunes, it has ever been found impossible to preserve any well-regulated balance of power under a republican constitution. It has ever been, and never can be, any other, than a perpetual contest between oligarchy and democracy; between the rich and the poor; between a few popular leaders who aspire to the chief influence, and the unruly violence of a turbulent multitude. In such states an internal warfare of this kind has been almost always carried on, with such violent convulsions and party animosities, as have given rise to more miseries than have been suffered under any other form of government whatever. To no purpose are quoted to us the heroes of Greece and Rome. Amidst the agitations of popular government, occasions will sometimes be afforded for eminent abilities to break forth with peculiar lustre. But while public agitations allow a few individuals to be uncommonly distinguished, the general condition of the people remains calamitous and wretched. Under despotic governments, miserable inVOL. V.

K

deed

SERMON deed is the condition of those who are near

VI.

the throne. But while they are often the
sport, and the victims of capricious cruelty,
the ordinary mass of the people, at a dis-
tance from the thunder of power, are left,
for the most part, in their inferiour situ-
ations, unmolested. Whereas, under a
multitude of popular governours, oppression
is more extensively felt. It penetrates into
the interiour of families; and by republican
tyranny the humble and obscure are liable to
be as much harassed and vexed as the
and the wealthy.

great

If any one doubt of those facts, let him look at the present state of the republic established in that country to which we have so often been unfortunately obliged to allude. He will there behold a memorable example set forth to the world; but an example, not for imitation, but for instruction and caution; an example, not of exploits to be copied, or of advantages to be gained, but of all the evils against which men, joined in society, ought to stand on their guard. He will behold the republican halls hung round with monuments of proscriptions, massacres, imprisonments, requisitions,

VI.

sitions, domiciliary searches, and such other SERMON trophies of the glorious victory of republicanism over monarchical power. O my soul, come not thou into their secret; into their assembly, mine honour, be not thou united; for their anger was fierce, and their wrath was cruel *.

ENOUGH has now been said to convince every reasonable subject of the British government, that he has good grounds for loving and respecting his country. It re

mains to point out the duties to which the love of our country gives rise. Though these branch out into many particulars, they may be comprised under two general heads; the duties which are required of us in our character as private men, and those which belong to us in a political capacity as subjects and citizens.

FIRST, as private men and Christians, let us cultivate those virtues which are essential to the prosperity of our country. The foundation of all public happiness must be laid in the good conduct of individuals; * Genesis, xlix, 6, 7.

« ZurückWeiter »