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efforts of Propagandism, even in the East. On this subject two curious anecdotes occur to me.

Information, of a nature to be relied upon, was forwarded to our minister at home, that intrigues, the object of which was to excite a Persian war against Russia, and add fresh distractions to the Polish insurrection, were vigorously pursued by the French ambassador at Constantinople. The noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs instantly despatched the intelligence to our ambassador at Paris, with instructions to spare no exertion to ascertain their truth. And how is it imagined that his Excellency effected his mission? With a frankness truly admirable, and with a noble candour, which, if not perfectly diplomatic, must at least command our abstract admiration, the English minister instantly made a morning call upon Count Sebastiani. "My dear Sebastiani,” said his Excellency, putting his hand in his pocket and drawing out a note, with an easy indifference, which seemed to promise nothing more serious than a newspaper paragraph; My dear Sebastiani, I have received rather an awkward despatch. Read it."

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The French secretary threw his eye over the energetic epistle. Every body knows the manly bearing, direct mind, and straightforward conduct of Count Sebastiani. What could have been

expected from a man so incapable of intrigue, but an indignant disavowal. "It is an infamous falsehood!" exclaimed Count Sebastiani.

"I thought so," responded the representative of his Britannic Majesty; and he wrote home to his noble correspondent that there was not an iota of truth in the information, because Count Sebastiani had declared it an infamous falsehood.

Far be it from me to hazard a contrary opinion, particularly when I can relate another not dissimilar anecdote.

An Englishman, recently resident in Egypt, discovered, by an accident, that a secret agent in the employ of France was in the habit of being honoured with private interviews by the Pacha. It was immediately after the events of July. As the Englishman was well acquainted with the constant intrigues of the French in Egypt, — a country of which we may, some day, hear, although it is not at present much thought of at the Foreign Office, he endeavoured to ascertain the nature of these conferences. By what means he succeeded it matters not at present. Few things are impossible; and whether he obtained his information through the pipe-bearer, or the slipperbearer, or the physician, or the barber of Mehemet Ali, or from any other of the numerous favourites

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and domestics from whom little is concealed in an Oriental court, we need not enquire. it suffice that he did ascertain, that, in the event of any collision with England, a French army was to be received in Egypt; and that India was to be threatened either by a joint invasion, or, if deemed more expedient, by the Arab troops alone; the French maintaining in their absence the authority of the Pacha. The military force, and the financial resources of the Viceroy of Egypt, are not perhaps perfectly known in this country. In August last he possessed an effective force of 80,000 infantry, disciplined by French and Italian instructors, and little inferior to our Sepoys; a considerable train of artillery, and a superb corps of 6000 regular cavalry. An increase of his army was then contemplated. But to ensure success, religious Propagandism was not forgotten. The feelings of the Moslemin population of India were to be excited; and even the Hindoos were to be reminded that the most ancient temples of their creed rose on the palmy banks of Nile, and might, in case of their co-operation, be restored and supported for their annual pilgrimages.

We possess no diplomatic agent in Egypt. A Consul-general, indeed, resides there; but his residence is at the sea-port of Alexandria, and,

doubtless, he affords our commerce all the protection that is requisite. But it so happened that, about this time, an eminent personage, distinguished by his talents and by the confidence of our Sovereign, was travelling in Egypt, and the Englishman seized this opportunity of impressing upon that eminent person his conviction of the French intrigues. The eminent person was not deficient in that frankness, which we flatter ourselves to be characteristic of our nation. Like our ambassador at Paris, he took an opportunity, in an early interview, to communicate to the Pacha his apprehensions.

"God is great!" exclaimed his Highness, as he drew his pipe from his mouth: "It is an infamous falsehood."

"Allah! Kerim," continued the Pacha, with that absence of dissimulation so peculiar to the East, and which M. Sebastiani probably acquired in his Turkish mission: "the English are the greatest nation in the world, and dear to me as my own children."

"It is an infamous falsehood," repeated the eminent person to his informant, on the first opportunity. "His Highness declares that we are the greatest nation in the world, and dear to him as his own children. Depend upon it, he is

devoted to us. Has not he presented me, during my visit, with his finest palace?-does not his European band, by his special command, play every day under my window during my dinner? — does he not always proffer me the pipe of honour? and has he not condescended to accept from my hands the finest shawl that Cachemere ever produced?"

The reasoning was unanswerable; and the solitary Englishman, who was rather a poet than a politician, proceeded on his pilgrimage.

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Having made a few remarks on French Propagandism, which is a national policy, let me hazard an observation on English Propagandism, which is a national foible. I allude to that mania prevalent in our nation of obtruding its political institutions other countries. When I contemplate the invariable confusion that this system has occasioned, I am not surprised that foreigners, misled by appearances, have been induced to suspect that this course of action has been promoted, in order that we might profit by the divisions of our neighbours. But when I reflect how entirely it is the policy of England at present to maintain the peace and order of the Continent, and that civil dissensions are not exactly the stimulants which swell the sum total of our exports, I may certainly acquit even our present rulers of this

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