The enemy in the mean time proceeded in their investiture. A summons to surrender was given and rejected. The approaches were continued, and an evacuation was proposed. The inhabitants remonstrated, and Lincoln, partly governed by the difficulty of a retreat, continued the defence. A second parallel was completed, and the town was encircled. Again a retreat was advised, and become more difficult, was again rejected in the hope of some fortunate relief. The enemy, reinforced by Rawdon, pressed on the siege. Fort Moultrie was at last surrendered and occupied. Their third parallel was finished, and the exhausted garrison was insufficient to man the lines. The defence became hopeless. A second summons to surrender was given, and terms of capitulation were proposed by Lincoln. These being refused, hostilities were renewed. The besiegers were within twenty yards of the works. An assault was being prepared by the land and naval forces. The townspeople now petitioned that the terms proposed by the enemy should be accepted-Lincoln yielded, and on the twelfth of May a capitulation was signed.* This defence of a town of such extent, with temporary fortifications, without outworks, by a feeble garrison, chiefly militia, against so superior a force, for a period of forty-two days, proved the confidence in Lincoln was fully warranted. The loss of the garrison was small, and, if the siege could have been prolonged until the arrival of a French fleet momentarily expected, the Southern States would probably have been relieved. Sir Henry Clinton now had Carolina and Georgia in his hands. To secure his advantages, a large detachment of his troops was ordered under Cornwallis to the frontiers of North Carolina to meet the advancing troops from * Marshall, i. 336. the north-another was detached to the vicinity of Georgia; and a third marched for Augusta. The success of Tarleton over a small body of troops near the Waxhaw completed the conquest of the two most Southern States. Having proclaimed their subjugation and required the allegiance of the inhabitants, leaving Cornwallis at the head of four thousand men in South Carolina, the British commander-in-chief, early in June, returned to New York. New hopes of success were indulged by Great Britain. "Since the reduction of Charleston," was the language, "we look on America at our feet.”† But in America other thoughts occupied the people, confident of the final result. A letter was received not long before at head-quarters from President Bowdoin, transmitting a copy of the plan proposed for the constitution of Massachusetts. Hamilton acknowledged it, in behalf of Washington: "From a cursory view of it, it appears to me to be a very judicious one, and to possess all the requisites towards securing the liberty and happiness of individuals, and at the same time giving energy to the administration. This last, indeed, is essential to the former, though in some of our constitutions it has not been sufficiently consulted. It is of great importance that a State which is of so much weight in the Union as that of Massachusetts, should have a well-combined and vigorous. government, and nothing will give me greater pleasure than to learn that the people have adopted one which answers this description. It is devoutly to be wished this campaign may be our last." A fortnight prior to the capitulation of Charleston, joyous tidings reached the United States. La Fayette's second visit to his native country was most opportune. He arrived in Paris at the moment when the war for the Walpole to Mann, iii. 253. independence of America was in high popularity throughout France. He was put in arrest a week for his disobedience to the order not to leave France, but this was a mere formality. Vergennes received him in private. His example had roused the spirit of the French nobles. The stage resounded with his applauses. Crowds followed his steps. Marie Antoinette, with her quick, enthusiastic spirit, joyed at his distinction. The council of state, the Parliament, the towns, the corporations mingled in the noble excitement. The Royal Treasury was assured support by patriotic offers of contributions, and then was formed the auxiliary army that was to bear succor to America.* This public enthusiasm triumphed over the hesitating reluctance of Maurepas, and the economical prudence of Necker. The army, placed under the command of the veteran Rochambeau, commended for his "steadiness, wisdom, ability and prudence," † a pupil of the Marshal de Belle Isle, distinguished in frequent service, was to be composed of six thousand troops. Among these shone forth the most brilliant of the nobility: The Marquis de Laval Montmorency, afterwards a peer of France; Count de Caylus, only son to the Duke de Castries, who had succeeded Sartines in the marine department; Segur, son of the marquis, who had succeeded Montbarry as minister of war; the Count de Damas, who died a peer of France; the Duke de Lauzun, with his corps of cavalry, favored at the same time with the smiles of Catharine, Empress of Russia, and with those of the beautiful queen of France; the Marquis de Chastellux, grandson of the great chancellor, D'Aguesseau, a soldier and a scholar-the Count de Deuxponts-the Beauharnois, Viomenil. The younger officers, full of classic thoughts, educated at the college of Harcourt, recited the tragedy of Brutus as they mounted the sides of the king's ships commanded by the Chevalier Des Touches, with sails unfurled to assist in liberating the western world. On the twenty-seventh of April, La Fayette announced his arrival at Boston and the coming fleet and army. Hamilton was overjoyed. The great measure which was to decide the contest, suggested by himself, was accomplished. His private letters and those written by him in behalf of the commander-in chief, all evince his quickened expectations, and his active energy. "You will participate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis de La Fayette," he wrote on the thirteenth of May, in behalf of Washington, to La Luzerne: "No event could have given me greater pleasure on a personal account, and motives of public utility conspire to make it agreeable. He will shortly have the honor to wait upon your excellency, and impart matters of the greatest moment to these States. He announces a fresh and striking instance of the friendship of your court, which cannot fail to contribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude of this country." To ensure energetic measures by Congress was the next thing to be done. Hamilton, the following day, wrote a private letter to Duane: "This will be handed to you by the marquis, who brings us very important intelligence. The general communicates the substance of it in a private letter to you, and proposes a measure which all deem essential. For God's sake, my dear sir, engage Congress to adopt it, and come to a speedy decision. We have not a moment to lose. Were we to improve every instant of the interval, we should have too little time for what we have to do. The expected succor may arrive in the beginning of June, it will not in all probability be later than the middle. In the last case, we have not a month to make our preparations in, and in this short period we must collect men, form magazines, and do a thousand things of as much difficulty as importance. The propriety of the measure proposed is so obvious, that an hour ought to decide it, and if any new members are to come, they ought to set out instantly for head-quarters. Allow me, my dear sir, to give you a hint. The general will often be glad to consult the committee on particular points, but it will be inexpedient that he should be obliged to do it oftener than he thinks proper, or any peculiar case may require. Their powers should be formed accordingly. It is the essence of any military operations that they should be trusted to as few as possible. Again, my dear sir, I must entreat you to use the spur on the present occasion. The fate of America is, perhaps, suspended on the issue; if we are found unprepared, it must disgrace us in the eyes of all Europe, besides defeating the good intentions of our allies, and losing the happiest opportunity we ever had to save ourselves." The private letter of Washington to Duane, drafted by Hamilton, is of a marked character: "The arrival of the Marquis de La Fayette opens a prospect which offers the most important advantages to these States, if proper measures are adopted to improve it. He announces an intention of his court to send a fleet and army to co-operate effectually with us. In the present state of our finances, and in the total emptiness of our magazines, a plan must be concerted to bring out the resources of the country with vigor and decision. This I think you will agree with me cannot be effected, if the measures to be taken should depend on the slow deliberations of a body so large as Congress, admitting the best disposition in every member to promote the objects in view. It appears to me of the greatest importance, and even of absolute VOL. II.-2 |