advantage to the country, and of humanity to those engaged in navigating our seas, he should propose to have these burthens removed, or alleviated as far as could be effected. Such was the outline of those propositions, which he had felt it his duty thus generally to submit to the house. The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving the following resolutions:-"That the chairman be directed to move the House, for leave to bring in a bill to repeal divers ancient statutes and parts of statutes, so far as they relate to the importation into, and the exportation from England, of goods and merchandize from and to foreign countries:" also, "to move, for leave to bring in a bill to explain and amend the several acts for the encouragement and increase of shipping and navigation; and to regulate the importation of goods and merchandize into Great Britain, so far as relates to the countries from whence and the ships in which such be made:" also to move, for leave to bring in a bill to make more effectual provision for the permitting goods imported into Great Britain to be warehoused or secured without payment of duty." A desultory conversational debate ensued. Several members, among whom were Mr. A. Baring and Mr. Hume, expressed the highest satisfaction with the measures now in the contemplation of government; some of the Irish gentlemen talked of the danger of removing the transit duty on linens; and some, who were connected with the shipping interest, raised their voices in defence of the existing navigation laws. The general opinion seemed to be VOL. LXIII. strongly in favour of the proposed alterations, and leave was given to bring in the bills. It was not the intention of the ministers to carry them into effect in the present session; their purpose, in bringing them forward now, was only to direct the public attention to the subject, that parliament might, in the subsequent year, come to the discussion of it with all the advantages of mature reflection. Mr. Wallace's propositions were reasonable and practicable means of promoting the prosperity of the kingdom. Other schemes were obtruded upon parliament, of more than Utopian absurdity. A Mr. Owen, the principal partner in a large cotton factory at New Lanark, in Scotland, had long imagined that he had discovered an infallible mode of curing all the evils usually attendant on poverty. His trade, for many years, had been a prosperous one;' he had, accordingly, been able to afford liberal wages to his workmen, and, by good economical arrangements, more especially by making those whom he employed live almost in common, and by freeing them, in a great measure, from the charge of superintending and educating their children, he had enabled them to live in a degree of comfort superior to what is usually enjoyed by the labouring classes. What he had accomplished at New Lanark, might, he thought, be extended to a whole country, and even to the whole world; and he had occupied himself for some years in propounding an unintelligible scheme for this purpose. In the rapture of his visionary dreams, he altogether forgot that there were two circumstances in which [G] New Lanark and a large country differed widely. The first, and most important, was, that under existing circumstances, the popu-, lation of New Lanark had constant and profitable occupation; and, therefore, any precedent drawn from it could apply only to cases, where the persons to be delivered, by his plan, from the evils of poverty, were previously removed from poverty itself, by the advantages which large capitalists found in giving them regular employment and liberal wages. The second circumstance of difference was, that economical arrangements could be introduced in a cotton factory, which would be altogether inapplicable to a dispersed population, employed in agriculture, retail commerce, or even many species of manufactures. Absurd as the plan was (if the name of plan can be given to that, which was never presented in any definite shape, but was always wra ptup inoracular abstractions), it was now gravely brought under the consideration of parliament, by the same Mr. Maxwell who, in the former session, had condemned machinery, as one of the great causes of the general distress. That gentleman, on the 26th of June, moved "that an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that he will be graciously pleased to issue a commission to visit New Lanark, in order to examine the condition and treatment of the working class of that establishment; to inquire into any further arrangements, that Mr. Owen may propose to adopt; to inspect the labours of the workmen, and to report the same to the House." Some members supported the motion, on the ground that a few good hints for the improvement of our workhouses might possibly be borrowed from New Lanark. Lord Londonderry confessed that he could see no good, which was likely to be derived from dividing the country into parallelograms; and as for the people, they would all be reduced, under such a system, to mere automatons in society, fit for no purposes of existence, but to labour under the superintendence of a species of civil drill sergeant. Such a system would never be congenial to the high feelings of the British nation; it might be applicable to the management of poor-houses, but never could be adapted to the spirit of a nation of freemen. He protested against parliament's being dragged on to try any loose abstract questions; and upon that principle it was, that, ready as he ever felt to applaud a benevolent suggestion, he must oppose the appointment of this commission. Mr. Canning stated, that it had. been his intention to be absent from the discussion. Having, however, been induced by the urgency of Mr. Owen, to promise that he would attend, and be guided in his vote by what he. might hear said for or against the plan, he felt it necessary now to say, that after the most impartial consideration of the subject, he was determined to decide against the motion. First, the general application of the plan would lead to the complete destruction of individuality, and to the amalgamation of the population into masses, which was totally repugnant to the principles of human nature, and, above all, to the genius of this country. The inference which was drawn from the excellent management of Mr. Owen's establishment at Lanark, that it would be successful when acted upon on a more extended scale, was perfectly fallacious. Individuals must be congregated together upon some known and intelligible principle. It was a known principle which connected tenants with particular landlords, and workmen with particular manufactories. But on what principle thousands of persons could be congregated together in Mr. Owen's establishments, he could not conceive. If a number of individuals should unite together as volunteers, supposing all the difficulties opposed to such an undertaking to be overcome, there was nothing to prevent the society, which, as it had commenced in delusion, might end in disappointment, from becoming the seat of the worst of passions. He wished also to state, and he hoped he might do so without offence to Mr. Owen, and without incurring the charge of bigotry or cant, that the House ought to pause, before it proceeded to set the first example of a community existing in Christendom, in which there would be no religion. None attempted to answer these arguments; and the few, who professed themselves more or less votaries of Mr. Owen, cautiously abstained from assigning any reasons for their faith. Mr. Maxwell did not press his motion to a division. The principle of the poor-laws had long been questioned; their numerous defects had been pointed out to notice; their pressure on the agricultural interest was severely felt; and their demoralizing influence on the lower classes was scarcely any longer a matter of doubt. It was agreed, on all hands, that some change in them was desirable, nay, was absolutely necessary; but the subject was so delicate, and encompassed with so many difficulties, that even the most experienced were afraid to venture on the task. In the present session, however, Mr. Scarlett brought forward a specific plan. It consisted of three principal parts. The first declared the assessments of 1820 a maximum, which was never to be exceeded: the second excluded from paro chial relief persons who grounded their claim merely on their inability to obtain work; the third deprived justices of the power of removing paupers. The measure met with keen opposition; and, indeed, it was so crudely framed, that it did not deserve success. Mr. Scarlett finally consented to withdraw his bill. CHAP. V. Finance-Mr. Hume's Labours to effect Retrenchment-His Motions with respect to the Army, Navy, and Ordnance Estimates-His proposed Retrenchments with respect to Receivers-general and Distributors of Stamps; Committee appointed to inquire into that Subject-Mr. Western obtains leave to bring in a Bill to repeal certain Duties on Malt: The Bill rejected on the second Reading-The Agricultural Horse Duty repealed-The Budget-Mr. Hume's Motion for an Address recommending Retrenchment-Mr. Bankes proposes an Amendment—A similar Address carried in the House of Lords. THE THE different estimates for sufferance, and their past durathe year were submitted to tion is admitted as proof of their the House in the ordinary man- necessity. Mr. Hume brought ner; but they were there ex- back the details of the expendiposed to a scrutiny more than ture to first principles; he sugusually severe. Mr. Hume en- gested to men in office many tered into a close examination of points, of which they probably were not aware; he forced them to consider, what might be done in the way of retrenchment; even in resisting his propositions, they were compelled to make many concessions, and were taught to feel the necessity of adopting economical principles of administration. The nature of our plan will not permit us to record the details of the retrenchments, which Mr. Hume recommended; all that we can do is, to mention the principal propositions made by him, with respect to the most important heads of the national expenditure. the smallest items in the accounts, and pointed out numerous instances in which the expense was unnecessarily great. Many of his proposed reductions were, doubtless, impracticable; but many of them were free from all objection; and though his amendments were negatived, they produced gradually a strong impression on the House, and on the ministers too. The heads of departments are seldom acquainted with the minute arrangements of their offices; without meaning to be extravagant, they are not aware, that all that is done might be accomplished at a less charge; superfluous expenses are introduced by accident and by carelessness; having once come into existence, they are continued by When the army estimates were taken into. consideration, Mr. Hume moved, "That there were in the service of Great Britain and Ireland in 1792 (exclusive of the regular cavalry and infantry) 25,757 troops; namely, 3,730 of royal artillery, 4,425 of the royal marines, and 17,602 of disembodied militia; and in 1821 (exclusive of regular cavalry and infantry) the number of 125,492 troops; namely, 7,872 engineers and artillery, 8,000 royal marines, 51,998, disembodied militia, and 57,622 yeomanry cavalry and volunteer infantry, making, with the regular cavalry and infantry, a larger force by 132,367 men, available for purposes of government in the year 1821, than the government had in 1792; that the supplies for the expense of the military establishment of Great Britain and Ireland in 1792 were 2,331,149.; that the supplies voted for the military establishment of Great Britain and Ireland for 1820 were 9,500,216.; that the army estimates for 1821, now submitted to the House, are only 163,4987. less than those of 1820: and that it is the opinion of this House, that, under the present circumstances of the country, it is expedient to adopt measures to effect a large reduction in the number and expenditure of its military establishments, and to approximate as near as possible to the establishment of 1792, as recommended by the finance committee of 1817." The House divided: There were 74 Ayes, and 98 Noes. On the subject of the navy estimates, Mr. Hume moved, "That it appears, by the returns before this House, that the expense of the Admiralty office, of the Navy Pay office, and of the Navy Office establishments, in the year 1792, when there were 144 ships in commission, 257 ships in ordinary, and 16,000 seamen and marines in the service, was 58,719.; that, in the year 1813, when there were 666 ships in commission, 355 in ordinary, and 140,000 seamen and marines in the service, the expense of those offices was 189,2271.; and in the estimates for 1821, when there are only 119 ships in commission, 582 in ordinary, and 22,000 seamen and marines in the service, the expence is 185,050l. for those offices, being only a reduction of 4,177. in the sixth year of a peace from the year 1813 of extended warfare, and the sum of 126,331. more in 1821 than in 1792:-That the expense of the dock yard establishments in England in the year 1792 was 25,352.; in the year 1813 it amounted to 212,143/.; and in the estimate for the year 1821, the amount is 210,7457., being only 1,3981. less than in 1813, and of 185,393l. more in 1821 than in 1792; that the expense of the foreign dock yards in the year 1813 was 52,369., and by the estimate for 1821, the charge is 53,9517. being 1,5917. more in the year 1821, a year of peace, than in 1813, a year of war:That the sum voted for the ordinary estimate of the navy in the year 1792 was, 672,483l.; the sum voted for the ordinary estimate of the year 1813, was 1,757,9281.; and that the ordinary estimate for 1821 amounts to 2,484,600/., being, 1,812,118/. more than the estimate of the year 1792, and 726,6721. more than that of the year 1813That the total supply voted for the service of the navy in the year 1792 was 1,985,4827. with 16,000 seamen and marines in |