SENATE.]

Public Lands.--Documents, &c.-South Carolina Resolutions.

[JAN. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 1833.

less conducive to the prosperity of the new States than the obtaining copies of their own papers. It was therefore proposed distribution of the proceeds of the lands. considered right to cause the expense of making authentiHe had not intended, when he came into the Senate, to cated copies to be paid by the Government. make more than a very few observations; and regretted Mr. HOLMES expressed regret that the committee that he had been induced to take up so much time. He had come to this conclusion, and that they could not hoped, however, that the Senate would excuse the length reconcile it to their sense of duty to intrust these into which he had been betrayed by the deep feeling papers into the hands of a commissioner. He would inwhich he entertained of the vast importance of the sub- quire of the chairman of the committee whether any ject which was now under consideration, resulting from a trouble had been taken to ascertain if authenticated cothorough conviction that no measure which does not em- pies of the documents could be received as evidence by brace the interests of all the people of the United States the commissioners under the French treaty, while the ought to receive the favorable consideration of Congress. originals were in existence? He thought it doubtful wheHe trusted that the Senate would reject the amendment, ther such copies would be received as sufficient, while and settle forever, on the basis of comprehensive equity the originals were to be had. He believed that such also proposed by this bill, this important question, which, if was the opinion of the clerk of this commission, with not speedily and permanently settled, was more likely to whom he had had some conversation on the subject. He produce dissension throughout the country than any other wished to know if there had been a discussion of this point subject which at this time pressed itself upon the conside- in the committee. ration of Congress.

In conclusion, he should only invoke the Senate to extend to his bill the same favor which it had received at the last session.

The Senate then adjourned.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 8.

The sitting to-day was occupied principally in acting on sundry appropriation bills, and on executive business. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 9.

After disposing of various private bills, the Senate resumed the subject of the

PUBLIC LANDS.

Mr. BIBB addressed the Senate about an hour and a half on the subject, when he yielded to a motion for adjournment.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 10.

DOCUMENTS IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT. The following resolution offered yesterday, by Mr. FORSYTH, was taken up:

Mr. FORSYTH replied that this point had not been discussed. It had, he presumed, been taken for granted that authenticated copies of the documents, made under the authority of an act of Congress, would be taken as sufficient evidence before any tribunal. The removal of the documents from the State Department could not take place without a violation of the existing treaty with Spain; and if they were removed, whenever a new treaty was made, they might be found travelling throughout the country, from hand to hand, and might, not without difficulty, be replaced in the department.

The resolution was then agreed to.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then proceeded to the special order of the day, being the bill to appropriate for a limited time the proceeds of the public lands, &c.

The question being on the amendment reported by the Committee on the Public Lands

Mr. BIBB resumed the remarks which he commenced yesterday, and concluded them.

The question was then about to be taken, when Mr. KANE suggested that a gentleman who wished to address the Senate was now absent, and he would, to give him an opportunity to be present, move to lay the bill on the table for the present."

Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be instructed to provide, by appropriation, for the employment of temporary clerks in the Department of State, to furnish, The motion was subsequently withdrawn, and, after during the continuance of the commission under the treaty some conyersation, a motion, submitted by Mr. BIBB, to of indemnity with France, authenticated copies of such postpone the further consideration of the bill and amendof the documents and vouchers deposited in that department, and to make it the special order for to-morrow, ment, according to the stipulations of the treaty of 1819, was agreed to. with Spain, as may be required by individuals, or by the commission for the elucidation of claims under the said treaty with France.

After executive business--adjourned.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 11.

SOUTH CAROLINA RESOLUTIONS.

Mr. MILLER presented certain resolutions of the Legislature of South Carolina, in reply to the proclamation of the President, viz:

Resolved, That the power vested by the constitution and laws in the President of the United States to issue his proclamation does not authorize him in that mode to interfere, whenever he may think fit, in the affairs of the respective States, or that he should use it as a means of promulgating Executive exposition of the constitution, with the sanction of force; thus superseding the action of the other departments of the General Government.

Mr. FORSYTH briefly explained that this subject had been sent to the Committee on Foreign Relations by a resolution which was offered by the Senator from Maine (Mr. HOLMES.) The committee had considered the subject, and in a conversation with the head of the State Department, he had received the assurance from the Secretary, that the department had every disposition to render such facilities to the individuals interested, as would be within its sphere of duty and its means; but that it had not the power to permit the original documents to be taken from the department, or the dispensable labor which would be necessary to make the requisite copies. The committee, on consideration, had deemed that they could not, consistently with the contract made with Spain, Resolved, That it is not competent to the President of authorize the removal of the documents. They there- the United States to order, by proclamation, the constifore directed their attention to the best mode of obtaining tuted authorities of a State to repeal their legislation; authenticated copies, which would be sufficient for the and that the late attempt of the President to do so is unpurposes of the claimants. The clerks in the department constitutional, and manifests a disposition to arrogate and were too fully occupied to permit their labor to be trans- exercise a power utterly destructive of liberty. ferred to this object; and it was deemed unjust to throw Resolved, That the opinions of the President in regard on the claimants themselves the expense of making or to the rights of the States are erroneous and dangerous,

1

JAN. 11, 12, 1833.]

South Carolina Resolutions.--Public Lands.

So the motion to postpone was agreed to.

SATURDAY, JANUARY 12.

[SENATE

leading not only to the establishment of a consolidated mour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Waggaman, WebGovernment in the stead of our free confederacy, but the ster--21. concentration of all power in the chief Executive. Resolved, That each State of this Union has the right, whenever it may deem such course necessary for the preservation of its liberty, or vital interest, to secede peaceably from the Union; and that there is no constitutional power in the General Government, much less in the Executive Department of that Government, to retain by force such State in the Union.

Resolved, That the primary and paramount allegiance of the citizens of this State, native or adopted, is of right due to this State.

Resolved, That the declaration of the President of the United States, in his said proclamation, of his personal feelings and retaliations towards the State of South Carolina, is rather an appeal to the loyalty of subjects than to the patriotism of citizens; and is a blending of official and individual character heretofore unknown in our state papers, and revolting to our conceptions of political propriety.

Resolved, That the undisguised indulgence of personal hostility in the said proclamation would be unworthy the animadversions of this Legislature, but for the solemn and official form of the instrument which is made its vehicle.

A bill granting a township of land to each of the States of Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Alabama, for the promotion of female education, was taken up in Committee of the Whole.

Mr. EWING moved to amend the bill, by inserting the State of Ohio before the State of Indiana, which was agreed to.

The bill was then reported to the Senate, and the amendment was concurred in.

Mr. CLAY moved to lay the bill on the table for the present, which was agreed to.-Yeas 19, nays 12.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then passed to the consideration of the spe cial order of the day, being the bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, &c. The question being on the amendment proposed by the Committee on Public Lands, substituting a bill to reduce the price of the public lands:

Mr. BUCKNER rose and remarked, that he was thankful to the Senate for the kindness shown him in having Resolved, That the principal doctrines and purposes postponed this subject on his account, and, though he felt contained in the said proclamation are inconsistent with his health somewhat improved, yet he felt both unwil any just idea of a limited Government, and subversive of ling and unprepared, from bodily debility, to engage in the rights of the States and the liberties of the people; this discussion; nor would he do so, was he not impelled and, if submitted to in silence, would lay a broad founda- by a deep sense of duty to his constituents. He had tion for the establishment of monarchy.

Resolved, That while this Legislature has witnessed with Borrow such a relaxation of the spirit of our institutions, that a President of the United States dares venture upon this high-handed measure, it regards with indignation the menaces which are directed against it, and the concentration of a standing army on our borders; that the State will repel force by force, and, relying on the blessing of God, will maintain its liberty at all hazards.

Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be sent to our Members of Congress, to be laid before that body. The resolutions were read and laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the public lands, &c.

Mr. BUCKNER, who was entitled to the floor, assigned indisposition as a reason for asking further indulgence, and moved to postpone the bill and amendment, and make it the special order for to-morrow.

Mr. CLAY objected to the postponement, as there would be other opportunities for the gentleman from Missouri to be heard before the final disposition of the bill. If the gentleman would permit it to be engrossed, he would himself consent to put off the question on its passage, until the gentleman should have had an opportunity to make his observations.

Mr. BUCKNER stated that his object would be defeated by that course, as he wished to be heard against the engrossment.

After a few remarks from Mr. POINDEXTER and Mr. FORSYTH, the question was put on the motion to postpone, and decided as follows:

I waited for others, abler than himself to do justice to the subject, to lead in the debate. The subject had been so ably and so frequently debated heretofore, that he apprehended Senators had generally formed their opinions upon it. He was not so vain as to believe he could shed much new light on the question, whereby to convince any one, or to change the opinion of any one already formed. He would, therefore, endeavor to avoid fatiguing the Senate, by travelling over the ground heretofore occupied by those who had preceded him. He did not speak for the paltry purpose of being heard either, or of making a display, but because he considered it a question of great interest to his immediate constituents, to all the new States, and the whole American people: and he knew his constituents to be alive to this interest. His object was faithfully to represent them, and to convince the whole American people that, though we may fail in our wishes, yet that we are not ignorant of our rights, and that the fear of failure shall not dismay us from the attempt to assert and maintain them, and to assure those who oppose us that we shall continue to press them until justice be done us. He considered the bill, as reported by the Committee on Manufactures, which is the bill now introduced by the Senator from Kentucky, to contain principles not only hostile to the interest of the new States, but deleterious to the welfare and prosperity of the whole nation. He proposed,

1. To consider the bill.

2. To review some of the arguments urged in support of it.

3. To consider the proposed amendment.

4. To notice the argument of the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CLAY) against the amendment, and also his argument in support of the bill.

I am opposed (said Mr. B.) to the bill, because I conYEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Black, Brown, Buckner, sider it unequal, unjust, and unconstitutional; unequal, Calhoun, Dallas, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, and consequently unjust, because the sums of money King, Mangum, Miller, Moore, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, heretofore appropriated and applied to the use of the Smith, Tipton, Tyler, White, Williams-24. old States are much greater than those sums applied NAYS-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Dud- to the use of the new States. See, sir, what has ley, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, Johnston, been appropriated for the erection of light-houses, Knight, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Sey-breakwater improvements of the ports and harbors, for

VOL. IX.--6

SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 12, 1833.

and, not content with this, we were still compelled to surrender the right of the State to tax the land sold to individuals for five years after the sale; and we were required never to assert the right of the States to the lands within their limits. It required that those new States should never interfere with the primary right of these United States to dispose of the soil. Thus, you see, we paid dear enough for the five per cent. But, sir, we get, say the friends to this bill, an additional advantage of twelve and a half per cent. Now, sir, look at the provisions of the bill, and the favor it confers on other States, and the losses and inconveniences the new States sustain; and this great boon sinks into contempt-its inequality and injustice are manifest.

fortifications, for the benefit of those old States, and likewise for the internal improvement of those same States. Then see, sir, what sums, I may say from the date of this Government, have, from time to time, not only been laid out and expended for the benefit of the old States, but see how the citizens of those States have been benefited by circulating those vast sums among them. Now, also, look to the great sums that are paid to the people of those States as officers of the General Government; not less than five hundred thousand dollars yearly are paid from the treasury in this way to the State of New York, and seventy thousand to the State of Maine, and all the other old States in like proportion. Now, see how much has been paid in this way to the new States-how much has been paid to Missouri. I invite gentlemen just to turn This bill contains another principle which is excessively over their documents, and they will see all this. Before odious to me. It asserts the doctrine that the General this distribution is made, this thing ought to be equalized; Government have a right, and ought, to direct and control if it is a matter of contract, if we consider this as a settle- the funds of the States. In this it is disrespectful to the ment of partnership account, (and, indeed, so it has been sovereignty of the States. If we grant this, let the States treated by its friends,) the account ought to be fairly dispose of them to their minds, and let not Congress dicstated from the commencement of the firm. Then we tate to them; it corrupts and demoralizes the habits of the ought to go back to the date of the Government, and see people, by tempting them to idleness, and begetting the what was put in stock, who has drawn out, and then make habit of looking to the treasury for money, and the means a fair dividend of the stock on hand. This bill does not do of living-creating the habit, on the part of candidates this, but, without any just rule, arbitrarily says, each shall for seats in the Legislatures and Congress, of making vain, have so much. This bill makes no allowance for the fu- corrupt, and improper moneyed promises to the people; ture increase of the population of the new States; this it thus destroying the freedom and purity of elections, and should do. Our population is increasing every day, whilst substituting a hope of pecuniary reward for correct printhat of the old States is stationary. Our territory is much ciple and patriotism; thus polluting the purc streams of greater than that of the old States; and in this the provi-legislation, by producing a scramble, first, here for the sion of the bill bears no just proportion. It is the terri- money, and then in the State Legislature for its appropria tory, it is the face of the country, that we ought to im- tion. Every neighborhood will want it, and that which prove; and where there is greatest need for improvement, can give the most votes to a candidate will get it: thus the there ought the greatest sums to be applied. But this is strongest neighborhood, and not the most destitute and not the case under this bill. Little Delaware gets within needy, will get the appropriation of the money; and not one share of the same amount that Missouri gets, when the poor but the rich will be aided by this fund, for all many of the counties in Missouri are larger than all Dela- objects of schools and internal improvements; this must ware, and need as much improvement; and every other inevitably be the case; and the most influential leaders of State, though most of them are much smaller in district, religious societies will get the colonial amount. But, Mr. gets as much and more than Missouri, under the provi- President, any or all of this amount can be applied to any sions of this bill. It is clear, from this view of the sub-or all of the three objects specified. Does not every one ject, that there is no system of equality and justice in the bill. This bill contemplates the establishment of a great system of internal improvements, to be carried on by the proceeds of the public lands; and the new States furnish the whole sum, (the lands being in those States.) And yet those who have the most land, and will contribute most to this great scheme, will get less. The people of the new States will never be content with this; for, talk as you may, you never can make them believe they have no superior claim, much less will you make them believe they have less claim than the old States, as this bill clearly asserts. Apart from all other considerations, the location of these lands amongst us (protected as they are by the different acts of Congress forced upon the new States) embarrasses these States, and operates greatly to their disadvantage; and besides, the constant improvement of the country in which they lie, by the citizens of these States, enhances the value of the public domain thus proposed to be parcelled out by the bill. And are we to have nothing in consideration of all this? But the Senator says, we get seventeen and one-half per cent. more than the old States.stand what we have done. Was there ever a greater delusion (to use no stronger word) than this? Sir, let us examine this bounty, and its virtue fades before the power of truth and justice.

Now, sir, five per cent., which is part of this seventeen and one-half, is actually the right of the new States now, under former compacts palmed, I will say, on us, when we were minors, before we were allowed to come into the Union; although, by treaty and compact, we had a right to come in without conditions. And what were the conditions extorted from us? Sir, we were compelled to surrender the right to tax the lands of the United States;

see that these three interests will eternally be warring with each other for the whole amount? The fanatics will want all for the colony of Liberia; the friends to internal improvement will want it all applied to objects of internal improvement, whilst others will say, let us have schools; and thus you will see, in all sections, a bitter war between them for the money. Can it be good policy to create such a source of strife in society, which must pervade all neighborhoods, and destroy all social harmony? Sir, the bill is delusive-is well calculated to deceive and to captivate the people. Whilst it presents the cup of hope, yet within is contained the gilded pill of bitterness and death: it is deceptive, and offers favor and benefits that are not real, whilst it professes to bestow moneyed favors on the people. Yet, the truth is, that the people are actually paying a tax to make the sum thus pretended to be bestowed. I am opposed to this mode of legislating; we ought not to do an act which may mislead and deceive the people; all our acts should be open, so that the people, who have a right to review our work, may see and under

Sir, there is another principle in the bill very mis chievous in its consequences, which is this: it is well calculated to disturb the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of a certain description of property in the slave-holding States. Does not every one in those States know, that the more those unfortunate beings are tantalized with a hope of emancipation, the more ungovernable they are, and, consequently, the more wretched they are? If we then fur nish the means, do we not invite the intermeddling by fanatics with those people? and will this not be an evil greatly to be dreaded? and wherever there are many free

JAN. 12, 1833.]

Public Lands.

[SENATE.

blacks, there always the slave is less manageable, and pose the President had not expressed such an opinion. his condition will be imbittered by harsher treatment. But, he says, the power is in the deed of cession: this is a Is not a free black population the worst of all others broad answer, and amounts to none at all; he has fired at in our country? Suppose, then, you by this bill furnish the the whole world, and missed it too. Will the Senator quote means; will not many be purchased and emancipated? and that part, if any, of the deed of cession, which gives this after they are, who has the power to say they shall go out power? can he put his finger on the page or place where of the country? If they choose to stay among us, how I could find it? I confess I never saw it, often as I have can we get rid of them?' Look, sir, only at what we see looked for it. Its inequality makes it unconstitutional; every day in this city for a proof of what I say. Sir, this this system contemplates to continue that inequality which bill is unconstitutional, because in no part of the constitu- now exists between the old and the new States, though it is tion of the United States is the power expressly given or the duty of Congress to remove this injustice, and put all impliedly given to Congress to use the revenue of the on an equal footing, expressly made so by the terms of the nation for the support of an African colony, or for the treaties and deeds of cession under which these lands are benefit of any foreign power, or for any other purpose held. The constitution declares that the constitution of the than the general welfare of the American people. United States, and treaties made under it, &c. shall be Sir, what will your constituents and mine say, when the paramount law of the land. Then any law against a they come to understand that they are paying a heavy treaty made by virtue of the constitution is void and uncontax to support a parcel of free negroes and adventurous stitutional. In the land laws of the United States, page clergymen in Liberia? If we are exonerated from the 43, we have this provision in the treaty with the repubpayment of a tax here at home within our own limits for lic of France, which ceded Louisiana to the United States: the support of a church, why shall we be compelled to "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incordo it without our own limits? (at Liberia, in Africa.) Is porated into the Union of the United States, and admitted this the liberty of conscience secured to the people under as soon as possible, according to the principles of the the constitution of these United States? Where, I repeat, federal constitution, to the full enjoyment of all the is the power to be found within that instrument, sanctified rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the Unitand consecrated to liberty by the blood and sufferings of ed States." our illustrious ancestors? Shall we so soon disregard the

The words in this paragraph are pregnant with much obligations of the constitution, and view with indifference meaning and force. Mark you, sir, the inhabitants of the high value of that rich inheritance, when we, and we Louisiana (the territory ceded by that treaty, and the peoalone, can boast of having descended from those mighty ple, to whom its protection extends) were to be incormen whom God had chosen as his peculiar instruments, porated into the Union; they were to be made an equal with whom to demonstrate his power, before the children part of the body of the Union of the United States, in of men? Sir, it was a peculiar demonstration of power the full enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and imand goodness, such as age or country never witnessed munities of citizens of the United States; and this was to before. I am aware, sir, that it will be said I mistake the be done as soon as possible. Now, sir, what is the duty object of the colony; that it is not to establish a church of the Government under these terms of the treaty? The there, but only to afford- an asylum to those unhappy peo-word possible is an expression of great import. As soon ple (the free blacks.) I understand all that, sir, and as possible these people were to be put into the full enalso understand what description of people are engaged joyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States. in this project; and I ask whether there is not a strict re- Had we under this treaty any power to delay or refuse to ligious discipline kept up there, and whether the liberty do this? Have we any right to take any step, which neof conscience is enjoyed there? Sir, I will not dwell upon cessarily produces delay? Is this a true interpretation to this part of the subject. I am not opposed to this colony; the admission as soon as possible of these people into the I am only unwilling to see an unconstitutional appropriation of money for its benefit; and I would have this same objection to any other object, if I thought the step to be unconstitutional. I know, sir, I will be answered with the assertion that the States will do this: that it is the act of the States, and not the United States; but sir, this is not true; the principle is qui facit per aliem se.

full enjoyment of all these rights, on equal terms with citizens of other States, as guarantied to them by the terms of the treaty? They have, it is true, been admitted into the Union; but are there not other rights which the old States enjoy, which those new States do not? If there be such rights in the old States, then they are not equal with the old States, and the terms of the treaty are not

So, if the United States order it, then it is the act of the yet complied with; and, I ask, are we not bound to remeUnited States. Now, sir, how does this matter stand? The States are enjoined to do this thing by an act of Congress, and they are furnished with the funds; the States are only the instruments to execute the wish of Congress. Then it is not the act of the States, but the United States; and if we lack the power to do this ourselves, we cannot give it to the States.

dy this inequality? If we are, how can we pass this law, which disregards this obligation by postponing the rightful enjoyment of those equal privileges? Sir, there are rights which other States have, and important ones too, which the new States have not. All the old States have jurisdiction over all their citizens, and all the property, real and personal, and tax it for the support of the GovSir, we cammot convey a right which we do not pos- ernment of the State; but we in the new States have not sess. All the right and ability which the States have, are this right, nor have we the right fully to legislate over all derived from the General Government. But if the States the property in the State, for public purposes; the public have this right already, why shall we attempt to give land being exempt from taxation, and from the legislative what they do not need? If, then, the right in the General action of the State. This bill being calculated, not to reGovernment is imperfect, the grant from her to the States move these embarrassments, but to continue them continues of that imperfect right must be unavoidably imperfect. an inequality among the States, and is therefore unconstiThe Senator from Kentucky, who sits furthest from me, tutional. But how, it will be asked, are we to remove [Mr. CLAY,] said, in reply to a call from my honorable this inequality? I answer, reduce the price of lands to a friend and neighbor, the Senator from Illinois, who sits fair value; let them pass into the hands of the citizens, nearest on my right, [Mr. KANE,] that the power to make subject to taxation; and then, and then only, will the this distribution is to be found in the deed of cession, and States be equal. By the bill, and the report which acin the opinion of the President. I know of no such opin-companied this bill last session, it is admitted that the ion ever expressed by the President, and, judging from money is not needed by the Government for revenue the course that Senator [Mr. CLAY] takes, I should sup- purposes; for by both the money is proposed to be given

SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 12, 1833.

away. Why not then reduce the price of lands? But and so did I; but where is that now? Its binding efficacy no; rather than do this, or reduce the tariff, we will has gone, and it is with great difficulty that, with the supsquander the whole proceeds of the public lands. Sir, port of many of the ablest men in the nation, it is kept does not every body see that this is a tariff measure in alive. I hope it may survive: I will give it my hearty as disguise? Do we not see that whatever of revenue is sistance. But, sir, how is it expected that this bill, which raised by the sales of the public lands, that amount will is the ricketty, ill-bred stripling and descendant of this be taken off the protected articles? Then to throw away aged, sickly, sinking sire, can do more than the parent these three millions, raised from the public lands, will be could in its meridian strength? Sir, this bill cannot give to add that amount to the protected articles, and thus content, but must widen the breach among the people; keep up the tariff and the lands too; and an attempt we ought not to legislate thus against the will and interest to do so is a strong argument against the tariff. of the people, though that will and interest be a minority. I am not opposed to the tariff, nor do I object to this The majority ought to rule, it is true; yet they should almeasure because it will benefit the tariff; but I will not do ways exercise their power and right respectfully, and with an indirect thing; I will not consent to see every interest a due regard to the interests of the minority; otherwise in the country sucked into the vortex of the tariff, and made we act not as freemen, passing laws for the government of subservient to it; nor will I consent to see any one interest freemen, but as so many tyrants, regardless of the rights control every other in the land. Sir, when the tariff of those we govern. Virtuous monarchs respect the feelcomes up, I will act on that as becomes a member of this ings and interests of those they govern; and shall that mabody; I will then vote as my judgment directs, and stand jority which governs a free people do less? openly before my constituents, and the whole American How, sir, can this bill give contentment to those oppos people, subject to that great accountability which I owe ed to the tariff? It settles no principle they are contending them. As we have an excess of revenue, why not reduce for; on the contrary, it adds to their misfortunes. But, sir, the amount gathered off the people? Perhaps it would be can any one believe that the wretched pittance distributed sufficient to reduce the price of the lands; if not, then to the States will buy off South Carolina from that stand take part off the tariff. I submit it to the friends of the which she thinks necessary to maintain on great and imtariff, whether it be prudent and wise to stir up every portant principles, or any other State opposed to the other interest against the tariff; will they not, by such a tariff? Sir, is not this bill adding insult to injury, and movement, unite a force which will put down the whole fanning the flame of madness throughout the whole counsystem? Gentlemen ought to beware how they rouse the try? Ought we to do this? Shall we goad an angry slumbering lion. I know this reduction of the public brother to his destruction, though he may be in the wrong; lands is thought to operate against the interest of the but shall we not rather turn him from the cause of his manufacturers; but the tariff, it is said, operates against uneasiness, that he may cool? Sir, in all climes, and in the Southern States, and the present price of public lands all ages, the best and wisest have erred. Is it best to cast against the new States. Now, will it be desirable to see away an erring brother, or is it not our duty to reclaim the interest of the South and West united against the him? Why, in the moment of his exasperation, add new tariff? Is the small amount which may be lost to the ma- causes of excitement? If we cannot relieve, do not let nufacturer by the proposed reduction of the price of the us insult and mock the complaints of our own household-public lands equal to that which must take place if the tariff those whom we are bound to cherish and defend. Let us is destroyed, (which I hope may not be?) I ask Senators do all that is right, and all that we can, to restore confiwho act with me on this great tariff interest, to pause and dence and contentment among the people and the States, see where their movements will take them. Will Southern and leave no man any excuse for wrong doing. And if gentlemen see this waste of fifteen millions of revenue in (which may God in his boundless Providence avert!) this five years, and still say the tariff oppresses them? Will fair land is to follow the fate of other republics, and to be members from new States, knowing it to be the interest covered with disgrace, sorrow, and wretchedness-if, inof those States to reduce the price of land now, aid in deed, the ghosts of the mighty heroes and statesmen who the passage of this bill, which must forever cut off all founded this republic are to be made wretched, by the hope of any reduction? Will Southern men, whose in- baseness of their degenerate sons, let the world bear terest it is to keep up the tariff and reduce the price of proof that we who administer the affairs of this people are the public lands both, vote for this bill? Will gentlemen innocent. It is not fear, but the love of country I feel, in slave States vote for this bill, and thus hire the meddler that dictates these remarks. This course, recommended to instigate their slaves to rebellion? Sir, the time is at by the Senator, [Mr. CLAY,] as a means to reconcile the hand when something must be done with these lands or discontent, cannot have that effect, but the contrary. Let the tariff-perhaps both. The Senator from Kentucky us, then, not do any thing that may exasperate public says he is willing to do all in his power to remove the dis- excitement, nor leave undone any thing that may properly contents of the people. I was rejoiced to hear him say be done, that may have the same effect. Let us be temso, for I know he can do mach; his very name is of itself a perate, prudent, and discreet, and do justice to all. host. I fully reciprocate that sentiment, and declare that Yield nothing from timidity, nor press any thing to gratify 1 will stand by his side, and do all in my power to restore an unbridled ambition in any one. Sir, the destinies of harmony, peace, love, and contentment to our beloved, this nation are in our hands. The eyes of the American unhappy, and distracted country. Sir, at such a time as this, people, and indeed the whole world, are upon us The allwhen gloom has mantled the manly face of many a pa- seeing eye of Heaven is upon us; and we must not only triot, and the whole country appears shrouded in the crim- be judged by those that now are, and by generations to son robes of civil war, and the loved bosom of America, come after us, but by that Power which, sooner or later, it may be said, is smoking with the blood of her slaugh- we must all feel and account to. How awful is the retered sons, will the son of Kentucky again stand forth the sponsibility we are under, and how great is the necessity pacificator of his country's discontent? No man can of duly weighing the bearing of all our acts at this moreap a richer reward than is within his reach: this act of mentous crisis! Shall the blood of our citizens fall on conciliation will be the brightest diamond in the crown of our heads, or will we not so shape our course, that should his immortal fame. blood and carnage cover the fair fields of our country, heaven and earth will witness that we are innocent?

The Senator says this bill will produce harmony; this bill is to bind up all the wounds and heal the discontent of the whole land. Sir, how easy it is to be mistaken; he once thought so of his old friend the American system,

I am the advocate of the tariff, and, on proper terms, mean to maintain it. I surrender my opinions to no man, nor am I to be alarmed by the present excitement. But,