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Colonel Barré.-The noble lord has removed the uneasiness I had, by saying that a Canadian must take the oaths. I am obliged to him for another piece of information-that the office of a soldier is not an office of trust. He says, that the only oath of a soldier is that described in the articles of war; but, is there not something else required in those articles—an attestation taken before a magistrate, the first sentence of which is, that the man avows himself to be a Protestant?

Lord Barrington.—I do not know whether there is such a clause or not. The office of a soldier is certainly an office

of trust.

Mr. Cavendish asked Colonel Barré, how the Roman Catholics of Ireland proceeded, with regard to the attes tation?

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Colonel Barré. They have so little scruple, that they always take it.

The question being put, the clause was agreed to. Mr. Baker then moved, that the Chairman report progress. On the question, that the Chairman do leave the chair, the Committee divided: Yeas, 31; Noes, 75. The next clause was read, enabling his Majesty's Canadian subjects to hold and enjoy their property and possessions, together with all customs and usages relative thereto, and all other civil rights, &c.; and that, in matters of controversy, relative to property and civil rights, resort should be had to the laws of Canada for the decision.

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Mr. Edmund Burke. The question under this clause is, whether we shall take away all the law of England, at six months or twelve months hence. I declare myself incapable of arguing the question. I have neither strength of body nor energy of mind, to proceed at this late hour.

He spoke warmly against going on with the debate, and left the House. Lord John Cavendish spoke to the same effect, and also went out. Mr. Cavendish spoke to the same purpose, but would not go out.

Mr. Thomas Townshend, jun. - The gentlemen oppo

site, who are now sitting in sullen silence, as soon as they have obtained a kind of licence to proceed, by the absence of those honourable members who oppose them, will go further than people who talk upon the subject. I should be glad to know how far we are to go. I believe we have no instance upon the journals of the House, of business being treated in this manner. And why? Because the administration have been idle- have neglected their duty, and been guilty of criminal negligence. Looking at the volume of reports upon the table, I ask-where is Lord Palmerston ?(1) Where are the members of that board of trade? Why have they gone from their opinions? Gentlemen who have signed their names to a report, should tell us why they now have differed from that report. Is this all to be passed over in sullen silence, and no answer to be given to any jection?

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Colonel Barré. -I do not rise to express any warmth. A bill of greater magnitude never came before the House in such a shape as this bill. It passed the House of Lords without a single evidence in its favour. When it was sent down here, we obtained some evidence, but other documents were refused. The noble lord himself, with every appearance of candour, in the first stages, called for assistance in discussing. Sir, we have discussed till we are tired. Will anybody deny that the noble lord has not had help, even from those who, only as members of this House, were required to give it him? The request made by my honourable friend is a very proper one. If other gentlemen cannot draw an answer, I cannot draw one. I can only say, it would have been more in character to declare, that you shall pass this bill as the Lords have sent it, and not have any discussion upon it: that would have been the more manly conduct.

Mr. Charles Fox.-It is indeed indecent conduct; as it

(') Henry Temple, second Viscount Palmerston, at this time one of the lords of the admiralty, and member for Southampton.

appeared to me, the other night, when ministers refused to call for General Murray. What was then said? "No precipitation is used in the passing of this bill; as much time is given to it as to any other." Whoever made this assertion has frankly broke his word, and will be as much respected as a man ought to be, who makes a promise and does not keep it. What single attempt has been made on our part to delay this bill? Has the same debate been gone over twice? They have not hinted that there has been any delay. Upon what ground does the bill now stand? Two or three clauses have been gone through. Are the rest not as material? Yes; but they should not be taken up at twelve o'clock at night. The boundary was settled in the House of Commons, without having anything fixed by those whose duty it was to have that boundary fixed. Was no boundary necessary, in their opinion, that they came unprepared?

Lord North.-As to the boundary, I, for one, was very well satisfied with it, as it stood in the bill. Several gentlemen, speaking for particular provinces, entreated that other boundaries might be taken; and there was that attention paid to their doubts, that, provided they would settle a good boundary, the friends of the bill were willing to give way in my opinion, the first boundary ought to have satisfied every body. As for the clause before us, I am very much mistaken if it has not been fairly debated already; but I do not in the least object to have it debated again. I would submit it to any honourable gentleman, whether, after we have sat so long upon it, after the clause has been so fairly debated — it is so very violent, so very precipitate, to proceed with it before the committee rises tonight. I am for proceeding at least through this clause before the committee breaks up.

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The committee having gone on with the clauses, to the end of the criminal law clause, Lord North said, if any gentleman wished to adjourn, he had no objection. The Chairman was going on, but Mr. Charles Fox got up, and

desired the committee might adjourn; which it accordingly did. Lord North said to him, are we not very candid? I said, I generally was for adjourning at twelve o'clock.

Wednesday, June 8.

The House having resolved itself into a committee of the whole House on the bill.(1)

Mr. Edmund Burke said-I should, Sir, have proposed some amendments to the bill last night, if my ideas had not been thought ridiculous, by the conduct of the committee, in proceeding with a most material part of the bill at twelve o'clock, when the natural constitutions of gentlemen were perfectly exhausted. When this bill was brought down to us, the general voice of almost every one who supported it was, that it was a very imperfect measure as it stood, and that, agreeably to the universal practice, it would be open to any amendment. Unfortunately, I was not here upon the second reading. When I came to town I was utterly unacquainted with the bill. I took it up with a determination to come here, not only with my mind unprejudiced, but with a determination to avoid everything that had any shadow of passion in it; and I appeal to the candour, the direct justice, of parliament, whether the clause fixing a boundary to such an extent of territory, or the clauses settling the laws and religion of such a province, could be well debated, upon the numberless momentous questions that arose, in less time than we have given to them. The privilege allowed in committees of the House of speaking more than once, is a privilege founded upon reason. An argument upon the principle of a measure may be dispatched in

(')" About forty members were in the House at four o'clock."—H.C.

the House at one speaking, as well as at a thousand; but in the committee, where matters of detail are gone into, it is necessary to speak more than once. The noble lord, therefore, has no right to say that we have interposed any delay. The first part of the bill took us up two days — in my opinion, a very short time to spend upon such a subject. Fixing the geography, was the work of one day; fixing the religion, of another. These, and other delays, if they can be called delays, were absolutely necessary. The committee ought to take care, that no delays but necessary ones should be allowed in this business-but the necessary delay arising from a detail. Now, Sir, if an entertainment() should be given ten miles from London, and we were to adjourn over this day, and thereby make the business of the nation give way to such entertainment, what would be the opinion of the people? I do not censure the House for entering into the innocent gaities of this life, provided they give time enough for the discharge of more important duties. If any youth, in the gallantry of his spirit, calls gentlemen to such an entertainment, I would not say, do not enjoy it; but go and enjoy it, if you have taken care, at the same time, to provide for the prosperity of your country. But, while I say this, I ask, that the same indulgence which is given to those who engage in scenes of joy and dissipation should be given to those who have need of rest to support their bodies to enable them to come here to discharge their duty. I for one complain, that I am precluded from doing my duty. I complain, on the part of the people of England, who have sent here five hundred and fifty-eight men to represent their interests, that they and I are cruelly, wickedly, and unjustly treated. I complain of it, and demand justice: that is, I demand a reparation of the wrong which has been done us. I have spoken strong words. Last night I spoke feebly; but now my voice is raised, my accusation is steady and

(') Mr. Burke alludes to the grand fête champêtre given at the Oaks, in Surry, on the following day, on Lord Stanley's approaching marriage with Lady Betty Hamilton, only daughter of the Duke of Hamilton and Brandon.

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