5 The consequences of these mutual distrusts are well known: but there is no other people mentioned in history, that I recollect, who have been so constantly watchful of their liberty, and so successful in their struggles for it, as the English. This consideration leads me to the second reason, why I "desire that the spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us in its utmost 10 vigilance.' nature. The first principles of government are to be looked for in human Some of the best writers have asserted, and it seems with good reason, that is "government is founded on opinion." Custom undoubtedly has a mighty force in producing opinion, and reigns in nothing more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It gradually reconciles us to 20 objects even of dread and detestation; and I cannot. but think these lines of Mr. Pope, as applicable to vice in politics, as to vice in ethics. "Vice is a monster of so horrid mien, to complain and enquire-but too late.They find their oppressors so strengthened by success, and themselves so entangled in examples of express authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded: for millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power, than that it is founded on the exercise of power. They voluntarily fasten their chains, by adopting a pusillanimous opinion, "that there will be too much danger in attempting a remedy," or another opinion no less fatal, "that the government has a right to treat them as it does." They then seek a wretched relief for their minds, by persuading themselves, that to yield their obedience is to discharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of spirit, that prostrates all the dignity bestowed by divine providence on our nature-of course succeeds. From these reflections I conclude, that every free state should incessantly 25 watch, and instantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power exercised over them, innumerable instances might be produced to shew, from what slight beginnings the most extensive con30 sequences have flowed; but I shall select two only from the history of England. When an act injurious to freedom has been once done, and the people bear it, the repetition of it is most likely to meet with submission. For as the mischief of the one was found to be tolerable, they 35 will hope that of the second will prove so too; and they will not regard the infamy of the last, because they are stained with that of the first. Indeed, nations in general, are not apt 40 to think until they feel; and therefore nations in general have lost their liberty: for as violations of the rights of the governed, are commonly only specious, but small at the beginning, they spread 45 over the multitude in such a manner, as to touch individuals but slightly. Thus they are disregarded. The power or profit that arises from these violations, centering in few persons, is to them con- 50 siderable. For this reason the governors having in view their particular purposes, successively preserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them. They regularly increase and multiply the first 55 injuries, til at length the inattentive people are compelled to perceive the heaviness of their burdens.-They begin Henry the seventh was the first monarch of that kingdom who established a standing body of armed men. This was a band of fifty archers, called yeomen of the guard: and this institution, notwithstanding the smallness of the number, was to prevent, discontent, "disguised under the pretence of majesty and grandeur." In 1684, the standing forces were so much augmented, that Rapin says "The King, in order to make his people fully sensible of their new slavery, affected to muster his troops, which amounted to 4,000 well armed and disciplined men." I think our army, at this time, consists of more than seventy regi ments. The method of taxing by excise was first introduced amidst the convulsions of civil wars. Extreme necessity was pretended, and its short continuance promised. After the restoration, an excise upon beer, ale and other liquors, was granted to the King, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court of wards. Upon James the second's accession, the parliament gave him the first excise, with an additional duty on wine, tobacco, and some other things. Since the revolution it has been extended to salt, candles, leather, hides, hops, soap, paper, paste-board, mill- 5 boards, scale boards, vellum, parchment, starch, silks, calicoes, linens, stuffs, printed, stained, &c., wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, chocolate, &c. Thus a standing army and excise have, to from the first slender origins, though always hated, always feared, always opposed, at length swelled up to their vast present bulk. These facts are sufficient to support 15 what I have said. 'Tis true that all the mischiefs apprehended by our ancestors from a standing army and excise, have not yet happened: but it does not follow from thence, that they will not happen. 20 The inside of a house may catch fire, and the most valuable apartments be ruined, before the flames burst out. The question in these cases is not, what evil has actually attended particular measures-25 but what evil, in the nature of things, is likely to attend them. Certain circumstances may for some time delay effects, that were reasonably expected, and that must endure. There was a long 30 period, after the Romans had prorogued the command to Q. Publius Philo, before that example destroyed their liberty. All our kings, from the revolution to the present reign have been foreigners. 35 Their ministers generally continued but a short time in authority; and they themselves were mild and virtuous princes. self by the return of the garrison of Tangier, "England (says Rapin) saw on a sudden an amazing revolution; saw herself stripped of all her rights and privileges, excepting such as the king should vouchsafe to grant her; and what is more astonishing, the English themselves delivered up these very rights and privileges to Charles II. which they had so passionately, and, if I may say it, furiously defended against the designs of Charles I." This happened only thirty-six years after this last prince had been beheaded. Some persons are of opinion, that liberty is not violated, but by such open acts of force; but they seem to be greatly mistaken. I could mention a period within these forty years, when almost as great a change of disposition was produced by the secret measures of a long administration, as by Charles's violence. Liberty, perhaps, is never exposed to so much danger, as when the people believe there is the least; for it may be subverted, and yet they not think so. Public disgusting acts are seldom practised by the ambitious, at the beginning of their designs. Such conduct silences and discourages the weak, and the wicked, who would otherways have been their advocates or accomplices. It is of great consequence, to allow those, who, upon any account, are inclined to favour them, something specious to say in their defence. The power may be fully established, though it would not be safe for them to do whatever they please. For there are things, which, at some times, even slaves will not bear. Julius Caesar and Oliver Cromwell, did not dare to assume the title of king. The grand Seignior dares not lay a new tax. The king of France dares not be a protestant. Certain popular points may be left untouched, and yet freedom be extinguished. The commonality of Venice imagine themselves free, because they are permitted to do what they ought A bold, ambitious prince, possessed of great abilities, firmly fixed in the throne 40 by descent, served by ministers like himself, and rendered either venerable or terrible by the glory of his successes, may execute what his predecessors did not dare to attempt. Henry IV. tot- 45 tered in his seat during his whole reign. Henry V. drew the strength of the kingdom into France, to carry on his wars there, and left the Commons at home, protesting "that the people were not 50 not. But I quit a subject that would bound to serve out of the realm." It is true, that a strong spirit of liberty subsists at present in Great Britain, but what reliance is to be placed in the temper of a people, when the prince is pos- 55 sessed of an unconstitutional power, our own history can sufficiently inform us. When Charles II. had strengthened him lead me too far from my purpose. By the late act of parliament, taxes are to be levied upon us, for "defraying the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government— and the expenses of defending Majesty's dominions in America." his If any man doubts what ought to be the conduct of these colonies on this occasion, I would ask him these questions. Has not the parliament expressly avowed their intention of raising money from us for certain purposes? Is not this scheme popular in Great Britain? Will the taxes, imposed by the late act, answer those purposes? If it will, must it not take an immense sum from us? 10 If it will not, is it to be expected that the parliament will not fully execute their intention, when it is pleading at home, and not opposed here? Must not this be done by imposing new taxes? 15 Will not every addition, thus made to our taxes, be an addition to the power of the British legislature, by increasing the number of officers employed in the collection? Will not every additional 20 tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them? When a branch of revenue is once established, does it not appear to many people invidious and undutiful, to attempt to abolish it? If 25 taxes, sufficient to accomplish the intention of the parliament, are imposed by the parliament, what taxes will remain to be imposed by our assemblies? If no material taxes remain to be imposed by 30 them, what must become of them, and the people they represent? "If any person considers these things, and yet not thinks our liberties are in danger, I wonder at that person's secur- 35 ity.' [Demosthenes.] One other argument is to be added, which, by itself, I hope, will be sufficient to convince the most incredulous man on this continent, that the late act 40 of parliament is only designed to be a precedent, whereupon the future vassalage of these colonies may be established. Every duty thereby laid on articles of 45 British manufacture is laid on some commodity, upon the exportation of which, from Great Britain, a drawback is payable. Those drawbacks in most of the articles, are exactly double to the duties 50 given by the late act. The parliament therefore might in half a dozen lines have raised much more money only by stopping the drawbacks in the hands of the officers at home, on exportation to these colonies, than by this solemn imposition of taxes upon us, to be collected here. Probably, the artful contrivers of this act formed it in this manner, in order to reserve to themselves, in case of any objections being made to it, this specious pretence "That the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies; and that the act only lessens those gifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encouragement and promotion of British manufactures and commerce, and are allowed on exportation to any foreign parts, as well as on exportation to these provinces. Besides, care has been taken to slide into the act some articles on which there are no drawbacks. However, the whole duties laid by the late act on all the articles therein specified, are so small, that they will not amount to as much as the drawbacks which are allowed on part of them only. If, therefore, the sum to be obtained by the late act has been the sole object in forming it, there would not have been any occasion for the "Commons of Great Britain to give and grant to his Majesty's dominions in America, for making a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, the support of civil government, and the expenses of defending the said dominions.” Nor would there have been any occasion for an expensive board of commissioners, and all the other new charges to which we are made liable. Upon the whole, for my part, I regard the late act as an experiment made of our disposition. It is a bird sent over the waters, to discover whether the waves, that lately agitated this part of the world, with such violence, are yet subsided. If this adventurer gets footing here, we shall quickly be convinced, that it is not a phoenix, for we shall soon see it followed by others of the same kind. We shall find it rather to be of the breed described by the poet"Infelix vates." A direful foreteller of future calamities. A FARMER. [1767] PATRICK HENRY (1736-1799) Tradition has decreed that the leading orator of the revolutionary period was Patrick Henry of Virginia, and in the absence of a method of weighing the oratory of a vanished period, the verdict of tradition will stand. Of the great numbers of orations and speeches made during the decade before 1775 and the decade after it, surprisingly few have been recorded in the words in which they were first given. Most of the fiery harangues of the pre-revolutionary days are lost to us. Henry's powerful appeal to the Virginia Assembly in 1775-we can judge only by the testimony of those who heard it and by its effect upon the assembly perished with the occasion. The version of it that has been declaimed by generations of school boys was written by William Wirt from memory years after the event. Henry's later orations, many of them taken down in short hand and preserved in their original language, were equally effective at the time they were given, but as read to-day none of them has the literary finish and the balance of period and the effectiveness of phraseology of the earlier effort. Undoubtedly the orator's personal presence, his rapt intensity, his emotionality, his methods of delivery were more potent than his words. He was "full of the fire and splendor of the South." The literary quality was added by Wirt, and added, it must be said, with consummate skill. He added indeed the one element that Henry lacked, and adding it, he raised Henry to a place among the great "single-speech" orators of the world. Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth-and listen to the song of that 10 siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, 15 and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the 20 worst, and to provide for it. These are insidious smile with which our petition I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And 25 judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace 30 themselves and the house? Is it that 5 Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject. Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert 10 the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned-we have remonstrated -we have supplicated-we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest 15 the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and 20 we have been spurned with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. 25 If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we 30 have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight! -I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An 35 appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weakunable to cope with so formidable an guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until Our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable-and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!! The It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace-but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at adversary. But when shall we be 40 the price of chains and slavery? For stronger? Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British bid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death! [1775] |