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I was in hopes, sir, that every thing which the committee had in contemplation would be secured by possessing a general impost, whilst a fuller consideration of the subject might be deferred to a future day, when the committee would have more leisure and information to enable them to determine and digest a plan capable of giving more general satisfaction.

This motion was seconded by Mr. SCHUREMAN. Mr. WHITE. I shall not pretend to say that there ought not to be specific duties laid upon every one of the articles enumerated in the amendment just offered; but, I am inclined to think, that entering so minutely into the detail, will consume too much of our time, and thereby lose us a greater sum than the additional impost on the last mentioned articles will bring in; because there I have no objection, sir, to go so far into the may be doubts whether many of them are capable matter as to pass a law to collect an impost ad of bearing an increased duty; but this, sir, is not valorem, whilst it is understood to be but a temthe case with those mentioned in the motion of porary system; and likewise to lay a duty on my colleague: for I believe it will be readily ad- such enumerated articles of importation as have mitted on all sides, that such articles as rum, been heretofore considered as proper ones by the wines, and sugar, have the capacity of bearing an Congress of 1783. So far, sir, the matter may be additional duty besides a per cent. ad valorem. plain to us, and we run no hazard of doing any His system appears to be simple, and its principles, thing which may give dissatisfaction to any State I conceive, are such as gentlemen are agreed in the Union. The duties proposed by the Conupon, consequently a bill founded thereupon wouldgress of 1783 were, I believe, five per cent. on the pass this House in a few days; the operation of value of all goods imported, and an additional the law would commence early, and the treasury duty on a few enumerated articles. This recombe furnished with money to answer the demands mendation of Congress has been so universally upon it. This law would continue until mature received by the several States, that I think we deliberation, ample discussion, and full informa- run no risk of giving umbrage to any by adopting tion, enabled us to complete a perfect system of the plan; but the other articles, which have just revenue: for, in order to charge specified articles been offered, are, I apprehend, to many of us so of manufacture, so as to encourage our domestic novel, and, at the same time, so important, as to ones, it will be necessary to examine the present make it hard to determine the propriety of taxing state of each throughout the Union. This will them in a few hours, or even in a few days. certainly be a work of labor and time, and will perhaps require more of each than the committee have now in their power. Let us, therefore, act upon the principles which are admitted, and take in the most material and productive articles, leaving to a period of more leisure and information a plan to embrace the whole.

equal footing. It appears evidently to bear harder upon some States than upon others. In some they wish a high duty upon tonnage, even so high as to preclude the admission of foreign vessels altogether, having sufficient to carry on their whole trade within themselves. Others again wish more moderate duties, inasmuch as it may be convenient to employ foreign shipping in their commerce; whilst some others wish only such duty to be laid as to answer the sole purpose of revenue, being constrained, for want of vessels of their own, to employ foreigners in the transportation of their productions, which productions must eventually pay every charge of this nature.

I wish, with the honorable gentleman from New York, that the system we now adopt be considered as a temporary one, securing a duty only upon such articles of importation as are generally agreed to be proper; and, on this account, I wish the article of tonnage, mentioned in the first list of propositions, to be postponed; because, with Mr. TUCKER. In common with the other gen-respect to it, the different States are not upon an tlemen on this floor, I consider the subject which engages our present, deliberations as of very great importance as it relates to our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; I also consider it of consequence that we should give full satisfaction to our constituents by our decision, be that whatever it may; and I think this most likely to be effected by establishing a permanent regulation, although, in the interim, a temporary system may be expedient. I wish, also, in the outset of this business, to attend to the interests of every part of the Union; this, I take it, can only be done by collecting the opinion of the members from the several States. At present, I look upon it as impracticable, because the representation from the States is not upon an equal footing; we ought to have a much fuller House than we have before we enter on the subject in its fullest extent. By looking around me, I perceive there is no representative, except myself, southward of Virginia; and whatever my opinion may be with respect to the propositions before you, I must own that I wish to be acquainted with that of my colleagues; besides, I acknowledge myself incompetent to decide at this time on a subject of such magnitude; but, even if I had more competency, I should hesitate, without I could consult with the members whose interests are inseparable from that part of the Union which I have the honor to represent.

I do not, sir, at this time, wish to enter into the merits of this subject; but just to state what I conceive to be the views and interests of the several States, in order that gentlemen may judge how far it would be prudent at this time to take a decisive step in matters so replete with difficulty as we see this to be, in reconciling the various and adverse interests of the Union, especially when it is considered that the vote of the committee, if carried into execution, will not place the eastern and southern States upon an equal footing.

In order to preserve the peace and tranquillity of the Union, it will become necessary that mutual deference and accommodation should take

place on subjects so important as the one I have first touched upon. And, in order that this may take place, it is proper that gentlemen deliver their sentiments with freedom and candor. I have done this in a manner which I conceived it my duty to do, and shall just repeat that I wish to confine the question to that part of the motion made by the honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. MADISON,) which respects laying a general impost on the value of all goods imported, and the small enumeration which precedes it: if it is in contemplation to do otherwise, I shall be under the necessity of moving for a division of the question. If I should lose this, and a high tonnage duty be insisted on, I shall be obliged to vote against the measure altogether; when, if the business is conducted on principles of moderation, I shall give my vote for it to a certain degree.

[APRIL, 1789.

changed since that time: we had then but few manufactures among us, and the vast quantities of goods that flowed in upon us from Europe, at the conclusion of the war, rendered those few almost useless; since then we have been forced by necessity, and various other causes, to increase our domestic manufactures to such a degree as to be able to furnish some in sufficient quantity to answer the consumption of the whole Union, while others are daily growing into importance. Our stock of materials is, in many instances, equal to the greatest demand, and our artisans sufficient to work them up even for exportation. In these cases, I take it to be the policy of every enlightened nation to give their manufactures that degree of encouragement necessary to perfect them, without oppressing the other parts of the community; and, under this encouragement, Where different interests prevail, it is to be sup- the industry of the manufacturer will be employposed adverse sentiments will arise, and the gen-ed to add to the wealth of the nation. tlemen from those States which are interested in having a high tonnage duty laid on foreign ship ping will naturally be more favorably inclined to a corresponding measure, than those from other States whose interest it would be to have little or no duty at all. Hence all that can be expected, is such a degree of accommodation as to insure the greatest degree of general good, with the least possible evil to the individuals of the political community.

Many of the articles in the list proposed by my worthy colleague will have this tendency, and therefore I wish them to be received and considered by the committee; if sufficient information cannot be obtained, as to the circumstances of any particular manufacture, so as to enable the committee to determine a proper degree of encouragement, it may be relinquished; but at present it will, perhaps, be most advisable to receive the whole.

investigation of principles than what I supposed would be necessary, or had in contemplation when I offered the propositions before you.

Mr. HARTLEY.-The business before the House Mr. MADISON. From what has been suggested is certainly of very great importance, and worthy by the gentlemen that have spoken on the subject of strict attention. I have observed, sir, from the before us, I am led to apprehend we shall be unconversation of the members, that it is in the con-der the necessity of travelling further into an templation of some to enter on this business in a limited and partial manner, as it relates to revenue alone; but, for my own part, I wish to do it on as broad a bottom as is at this time practicable. The observations of the honorable gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. TUCKER,) may have weight in some future stage of the business, for the article of tonnage will not probably be determined for several days, before which time his colleagues may arrive and be consulted in the manner he wishes; but surely no argument, derived from that principle, can operate to discourage the committee from taking such measures as will tend to protect and promote our domestic manufactures.

If we consult the history of the ancient world, we shall see that they have thought proper, for a long time past, to give great encouragement to the establishment of manufactures, by laying such partial duties on the importation of foreign goods, as to give the home manufactures a considerable advantage in the price when brought to market. It is also well known to this committee, that there are many articles that will bear a higher duty than others, which are to remain in the common mass, and be taxed with a certain impost ad valorem. From this view of the subject, I think it both politic and just that the fostering hand of the General Government should extend to all those manufactures which will tend to national utility. I am therefore sorry that gentlemen seem to fix their mind to so early a period as 1783; for we very well know our circumstances are much

It was my view to restrain the first essay on this subject principally to the object of revenue, and make this rather a temporary expedient than any thing permanent. I see, however, that there are strong exceptions against deciding immediately on a part of the plan, which I had the honor to bring forward, as well as against an ap plication to the resources mentioned in the list of articles just proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

I presume, that, however much we may be disposed to promote domestic manufactures, we ought to pay some regard to the present policy of obtaining revenue. It may be remarked also, that by fixing on a temporary expedient for this purpose, we may gain more than we shall lose by suspending the consideration of the other subject until we obtain fuller information of the state of our manufactures. We have at this time the strongest motives for turning our attention to the point I have mentioned; every gentleman sees that the prospect of our harvest from the Spring importations is daily vanishing; and if the committee delay levying and collecting an impost until a system of protecting duties shall be perfected, there will be no importations of any consequence on which the law is to operate, because, by that time, all the Spring vessels will have arrived. Therefore, from a pursuit of this policy,

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we shall suffer a loss equal to the surplus which clothes to save the expense of the tailor's bill, might be expected from a system of higher duties.nor of the tailor to make his own shoes to save I am sensible that there is great weight in the the expense of procuring them from the shoeobservation that fell from the honorable gentle- maker. It would be better policy to suffer each man from South Carolina, (Mr. TUCKER,) that it of them to employ his talents in his own way. will be necessary, on the one hand, to weigh and The case is the same between the exercise of the regard the sentiments of the gentlemen from the arts and agriculture-between the city and the different parts of the United States; but, on the country-and between city and town; each capaother hand, we must limit our consideration on ble of making particular articles in abundance to this head, and, notwithstanding all the deference supply the other: thus all are benefited by exand respect we pay to those sentiments, we must change, and the less this exchange is cramped by consider the general interest of the Union; for Government, the greater are the proportions of this is as much every gentleman's duty to con- benefit to each. The same argument holds good sider as is the local or State interest-and any between nation and nation, and between parts of system of impost that this committee may adopt the same nation. must be founded on the principles of mutual concession.

Gentlemen will be pleased to recollect, that those parts of the Union which contribute more under one system than the other, are also those parts more thinly planted, and consequently stand most in need of national protection; therefore they will have less reason to complain of unequal burdens.

There is another consideration: the States that are most advanced in population, and ripe for manufactures, ought to have their particular interests attended to in some degree. While these States retained the power of making regulations of trade, they had the power to protect and cherish such institutions; by adopting the present Constitution, they have thrown the exercise of this power into other hands; they must have done this with an expectation that those interests would not be neglected here.

In my opinion it would be proper also for gentlemen to consider the means of encouraging the great staple of America, I mean agriculture; which I think may justly be styled the staple of the United States, from the spontaneous productions which nature furnishes, and the manifest advantage it has over every other object of emolument in this country. If we compare the cheapness of our land with that of other nations, we see so decided an advantage in that cheapness, as to have full confidence of being unrivalled. With respect to the object of manufactures, other countries may and do rival us; but we may be said to have a monopoly in agriculture; the possession of the soil, and the lowness of its price, give us as much a monopoly in this case as any nation or other parts of the world have in the monopoly of any article whatever; but with this advantage to us, that it cannot be shared nor injured by rivalship.

If my general principle is a good one, that commerce ought to be free, and labor and industry left at large to find its proper object, the only thing which remains will be to discover the exceptions that do not come within the rule I have laid down. I agree with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that there are exceptions important in themselves, and which claim the particular attention of the committee. Although the freedom of commerce would be advantageous to the world, yet, in some particulars, one nation might suffer to benefit others, and this ought to be for the general good of society.

I am afraid, sir, on the one hand, that if we go fully into a discussion of the subject, we shall consume more time than prudence would dictate to spare; on the other hand, if we do not develope it, and see the principles on which we mutually act, we shall subject ourselves to great difficulties. I beg leave, therefore, to state the grounds on which my opinion, with respect to the matter under consideration, is founded, namely, whether our present system should be a temporary or a permanent one? In the first place, I own myself the friend to a very free system of commerce, and hold it as a truth, that commercial shackles are generally unjust, oppressive, and impolitic; it is also a truth, that if industry and labor are left to take their own course, they will generally be directed to those objects which are the most productive, and this in a more certain and direct manner than the wisdom of the most enlightened Legislature could point out. Nor do I think that the national interest is more promoted by such restrictions than that the interest of individuals would be promoted by legislative interference directing the particular application of its industry. For example, we should find no advantage in saying, that every man should be obliged to furnish himself, by his own labor, with those accommo- Duties laid on imported articles may have an dations which depend on the mechanic arts, in-effect which comes within the idea of national stead of employing his neighbor, who could do it prudence. It may happen that materials for for him on better terms. It would be of no ad- manufactures may grow up without any envantage to the shoemaker to make his owncouragement for this purpose; it has been the

If America was to leave her ports perfectly free, and make no discrimination between vessels owned by her citizens and those owned by foreigners, while other nations make this discrimination, it is obvious that such policy would go to exclude American shipping altogether from foreign ports, and she would be materially affected in one of her most important interests. To this we may add another consideration, that by encouraging the means of transporting our productions with facility, we encourage the raising them: and this object, I apprehend, is likely to be kept in view by the General Government.

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case in some of the States, but in others regulations have been provided, and have succeeded in producing some establishments, which ought not to be allowed to perish, from the alteration which has taken place: it would be cruel to neglect them and divert their industry to other channels; for it is not possible for the hand of man to shift from one employment to another without being injured by the change. There may be some manufac-method of collecting revenue; at least preferable tures, which, being once formed, can advance towards perfection without any adventitious aid, while others, for want of the fostering hand of Government, will be unable to go on at all. Legislative attention will therefore be necessary to collect the proper objects for this purpose, and this will forin another exception to my general principle.

subject involves some intricate questions, to unravel which we perhaps are not prepared. I have no objection to the committee's accepting the propositions offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because so far as we can enumerate the proper objects, and apply specific duties to them, we conform to the practice prevalent in many of the States, and adopt the most laudable to laying a general tax. Whether, therefore, we consult ease and convenience in collection, or pursuing habits already adopted and approved, speci fic duties, as far as the articles can be properly enumerated, is the most eligible mode of obtaining the end in contemplation. Upon the whole, as I think some of the propositions may be productive of revenue, and some may protect our do

ought not to be too confusedly blended with the former, I hope the committee will receive them, and let them lie over, in order that we may have time to consider how far they are consistent with justice and policy.

I observe that a sumptuary prohibition is with-mestic manufactures, though the latter subject in the view of some of the proposed articles, and forms another exception. I acknowledge that I do not, in general, think any great national advantage arises from restrictions passed on this head, because, as long as a distinction in point of value subsists, sumptuary duties, in some form or other, will prevail and take effect.

necessary.

Mr. BOUDINOT.-I believe that it will not be disputed, that the best and easiest way of supplyAnother exception is embargoes in time of war, ing the public wants, is by raising a revenue on These may necessarily occur and shackle the the importation of goods by way of impost, though freedom of commerce; but the reasons for this the manner in which it should be done, I confess, are so obvious, that it renders any remark un-is a subject on which I stand greatly in need of information. I should, therefore, most cordially The next exception that occurs, is one on which comply with the request of the gentleman from great stress is laid by some well informed men, South Carolina (Mr. TUCKER) in order to obtain and this with great plausibility. That each nation time for consideration, and to wait the arrival of should have within itself the means of defence, the absent gentlemen, in order that we may have independent of foreign supplies: that in whatever that assistance which is to be derived from them. relates to the operations of war, no State ought to Did I consider the question on the present motion depend upon a precarious supply from any part of final, I should be at a loss how to act; but this, I the world. There may be some truth in this re-take it, is not the case. I presume it is intended mark, and therefore it is proper for legislative at- by the mover only to lay his motion on the table, tention. I am, though, well persuaded that the with the original propositions open for debate and reasoning on this subject has been carried too far. consideration, till the committee are possessed of The difficulties we experienced a few years ago sufficient information to proceed. I also confess, of obtaining military supplies, ought not to fur- that, in general, I am in favor of specific duties nish too much in favor of an establishment which on enumerated articles. I shall therefore vote for would be difficult and expensive; because our the amendment; but, in doing this, I shall not national character is now established and recog- consider myself as bound to support the whole, nised throughout the world, and the laws of war nor, indeed, any particular article which, upon favor national exertion more than intestine com- due consideration, I may deem either impolitic or motion, so that there is good reason to believe unjust; for I cannot conceive, that, by adopting that, when it becomes necessary, we may obtain the amendment, we tie up our hands, or prevent supplies from abroad as readily as any other na-future discussion. No, sir, that is not the case; tion whatsoever. I have mentioned this because I think I see something among the enumerated articles that seems to favor such a policy.

The impost laid on trade for the purpose of obtaining revenue may likewise be considered as an exception; so far, therefore, as revenue can be more conveniently and certainly raised by this than any other method, without injury to the community, and its operation will be in due proportion to the consumption, which consumption is generally proportioned to the circumstances of individuals, I think sound policy dictates to use this means; but it will be necessary to confine our attention at this time peculiarly to the object of revenue, because the other

and as I trust we all have the same object in view, namely, the public good of the United States, so I hope that a willing ear will be lent to every proposition likely to promote this end; nor do I doubt but gentlemen are mutually inclined to sacrifice local advantages for the accomplishment of this great purpose.

I confess, sir, that I do not consider myself master of the subject, and shall therefore wait for information from those gentlemen who are best able to give it. I think we are much indebted to the gentleman from Pennsylvania for going so far into the subject as his list of articles shows he has done; but I would beg of him to inform me, if there is any thing peculiar in the manufacture

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of glass, as I observe it is omitted in his enumera-hensions, and animate them with hopes of success tion; if there is nothing improper in adding this in future, by imposing on all foreign articles, article. I shall certainly move for it, as I suppose which can be made in America, such duties as we are capable of manufacturing this as well as will give a just and decided preference to their many of the others-in fact, it is well known that labors; discountenancing that trade which tends we have, and can do it, as well as most nations, so materially to injure them and impoverish their the materials being almost all produced in our country; measures which, in their consequences, country. If there is any thing improper in it, I may also contribute to the discharge of the nahope gentlemen will inform me; if there is not, I tional debt and the due support of Government: see no reason against its being enumerated with that they have annexed a list of such articles as the others. are or can be manufactured amongst them, and humbly trust in the wisdom of the Legislature to grant them, in common with the other mechanics and manufacturers of the United States, that relief which may appear proper.

Mr. FITZSIMONS.-I hope there will be no difficulty in receiving the propositions I had the honor to present. When we come to consider them, article by article, for the purpose of taxing them, gentlemen will be at liberty to object; and if they offer good reasons for it, they may get them struck out; but this, I apprehend, cannot so conveniently be done in the present state of the business.

Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Agreeably to the order of the day, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. MADISON. I suppose that the reason which induced the gentleman from Pennsylvania to in- Mr. LEE.-The articles proposed for objects of troduce the list of articles now before us, is simi-imposts again recur. I wish, therefore, that the lar to the one which actuated me to enumerate committee proceed to consider each separately; those in the first proposition, namely, that they by this means we shall get through the business were capable, on the principle of policy, of bear- with expedition and facility. ing a higher duty than those left in the common mass to be taxed ad valorem. If gentlemen, on considering them, should think any incapable of sustaining such addition, they will be at liberty to move to have them struck out and restored to the general mass of articles, so that I see no very strong reason against receiving them for consideration.

The motion was put by the Chairman, and it was agreed to add them to the first list of articles introduced by Mr. MADISON.

On motion of Mr. LEE, the committee rose and reported progress, and the House adjourned.

FRIDAY, April 10.

Mr. GOODHUE.-I think when the original motion was introduced, it was only intended as a temporary expedient; but, from what has fallen from the gentlemen on this subject, I am led to believe that idea is abandoned, and a permanent system is to be substituted in its place. I do not know that this is the best mode of the two, but perhaps it may take no more time than the other, if we apply ourselves with assiduity to the task. As it does not appear that all the articles proper to bear an additional tax are yet selected, and as I wish the list to be as complete as possible, that the committee may have, in one view, all that is intended on the occasion, I shall beg to add-upon anchors for every 112 lb.; upon every dozen wool cards; upon wrought tin ware; upon every box

The House met, but adjourned without doing of lemons; upon every barrel of limes. any business.

SATURDAY, April 11.

The committee agreed to add these articles to the list.

Mr. CLYMER submitted it to the consideration of the committee, how far it was best to bring Mr. SMITH (of Maryland) presented a petition propositions forward in this way. Not that he from the tradesmen, manufacturers, and others, of objected to this mode of encouraging manufacthe town of Baltimore, which was read, setting tures and obtaining revenue, by combining the forth, That, since the close of the late war, and two objects in one bill. He was satisfied that a the completion of the Revolution, they have ob-political necessity existed for both the one and the served with serious regret the manufacturing and other, and it would not be amiss to do it in this the trading interest of the country rapidly declin-way, but perhaps the business would be more ing, and the attempts of the State Legislatures to speedily accomplished by entering upon it sysremedy the evil failing of their object; that, in the tematically. It would be better to appoint a subpresent melancholy state of our country, the num-committee to collate the materials, and bring them ber of poor increasing for want of employment, foreign debts accumulating, houses and lands depreciating in value, and trade and manufactures languishing and expiring, they look up to the Supreme Legislature of the United States as the guardians of the whole empire, and from their Mr. CHAIRMAN was of opinion that a motion of united wisdom and patriotism, and ardent love of the kind just mentioned would be out of order, their country, expect to derive that aid and assis- because a committee could not appoint another tance which alone can dissipate their just appre-committee; the House appoints all committees.

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before the House better digested than they came now. He threw out these sentiments for the consideration of the committee, without any great degree of confidence that they were right, or founded in strict order.