rin, where, a second time, the inhabitants loudly expressed their veneration for us, we had the inexpressible happiness of again beholding the emperor Napoleon, and of conferring with him. We took the opportunity of earnestly recommending again to his consideration the ecclesiastical concerns of France and Italy, and after returning his majesty our sincere thanks, for all the benefits he had conferred on us and the catholic religion, we proceeded on our route to Etruria, and arrived at Florence. Our entry into that city was attended with much splendour and productive of great public rejoicings. The illustrious queen of Etruria again received us in the most, magnificent manner, evincing, at the same time, the most becoming piety. The Lord, in his unbounded mercy, had prepared for us in this city, the most gratifying of all consolation. In our former route, through this city, we had a presentiment, that our reverend brother, Scipio Ricci, ancient bishop of Pistoya, seriously intended to be reconciled to us, and the holy Roman church; a thing which we had desired for some time, in common with all good mea. He acquainted us, with truly filial confidence, that he was ready, in the sincerity of his heart, to subscribe to the formula, which we should please to propose to him. He has performed his promise, for the formula which had been transmitted by our reverend brother, the archbishop of Phillipo, has been acknowledged and signed by him. By this declaration, which he has requested may be published, in reparation of his former scandal, he has testified that he has received purely, simply, and in full sincerity and reverence, the constitutions of the holy apostolic

see, by which are prescribed the errors of Baius, of Jansenius, of Quefnel, and their sectarian followers; and especially, the dogmatic bull Aucthorem Fidei, by which are condemned, eighty-five propositions, taken from the synod of Pistoya, which he had himself collected and published. Farther, he has declared, that he reprobates and condemns all these propositions, and each of them, under the qualifications, and in the sense expressed thereof, in the bull above-mentioned. And finally, he declares his determination to live and die in the faith of the holy Roman and apostolic church, and in perfect submission to her, and also to us and our successors in the chair of St. Peter, in our qualities of vicars of Christ on earth. After this solemn declaration, we have called him into our presence, we have heard him protest anew, the sincerity of his sentiments, and his implicit submission to the dogmatical decisions of Pius VI. his attachment to the orthodox faith, and to the apostolic see, which, he said, had in fact preserved him in the midst of his errors. We thereupon paternally embraced him, we have acknowledged all the merit of his conduct, and, in the full affection of our charity, we have reconciled him to ourself, and the holy catholic church. In congratulating us in his letters on our happy return to Rome, he declares his adherence to the recantation made by him at Florence, which consideration affords us the greatest pleasure.Reverend brethren, we have conceived it our duty to communicate these important matters to you; in consideration of which, it behoves us to prostrate ourselves at the foot of the throne of the author of all these benefits, and humbly to sup

plicate

plicate him, through the intercession of the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, to protect and accomplish, in his mercy, all that we, in our weakness, have endeavoured to begin, for his glory, the extension of the true religion, the safety of all souls, and the advantage of the church, and the holy apostolic see.

at twelve o'clock, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, took the Oath of Office; and delivered the following inaugural Speech, in the Senate Cham-* ber, in the Presence of the Members of the two Houses, and a large Concourse of Citizens.

Proceeding, fellow citizens, to that qualification which the consti.

vember 20, 1805.

The arrival of an Anglo-Russian squadron in this road, having given occasion to a report, that the legation and the French consulate had removed the arms of their sovereign, &c. to the great displeasure of his Sicilian Majesty; and, as it is presumed that the persons concerned in the commerce of Italy, Liguria, Batavia, & may be alarmed for the safety of their property in his majesty's estates, his majesty has authorised me to communicate to the exchange, in his royal name, that, whatever may be the consequence of this event, the property of the said nations, the allies of France, shall remain under the protection of the government; and that his majesty will also permit them to continue their commerce in every respect, just the same as if the legation and consulate continued in the exercise of their functions. To prevent any misunderstanding, this guarantee is not understood as extending beyond the continents of his majesty's kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. (Signed) Louis de Medici. Done at the Palace, Nov. 20, 1805.

American President's Speech. Washington, March 4.-This day

on the charge again conferred on me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me so to conduct myself, as may best satisfy their just expectations. On taking this station on a former occasion, I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth. My conscience tells nre, that I have, on every occasion, acted up to that declaration, according to its obvious import, and according to the understanding of every candid mind. In the transaction of your foreign affairs, we have endeavoured to cultivate the friendship of all na tions, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations. We have done them justice on all occasions, favour where favour was lawful, and che rished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms; we are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties. And history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is trusted on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others. At home, fellow ci

tizens,

tizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill. The suppression of unnecessary offices, of use less establishments, and expences, enables us to discontinue our internal taxes. These, covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation, which, once entertained, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching, successively, every article of produce and of property. If among these taxes some minor ones fell, which had not been inconve nient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved. The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles, is paid chiefly by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts. Being collected on our sea-board and frontiers only, and incorporated with the transactions of our mercan tile citizens, it may be the pleasure and pride of an American to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what labourer, ever sees a tax-gatherer of the United States? These contributions enable us to support the current expences of the government, to fulfil contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our public debts, as places at a short day, their final redemption, and that redemption once effected, the revenue thereby liberated, may, by a just reparation among the states, and a corresponding amendment of the constitution, be applied in time of peace, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, educa

tion, and other great objects within each state. In time of war, if injustice by ourselves or others must sometimes produce war, increased as the same revenue will be by increased population and consumption, and aided by other resources reserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expences of the year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burthening them with the debts of the past. War will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to a state of peace, a return to the progress of improvement. I have said, fellow citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to extend our limits; but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on, and in the mean time may keep down the accruing interest. In all events it will replace the advances we shall have made. I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory may endanger its union; but, who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions, and in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Missisippi, should be settled by our own bre thren and children, than by stran gers of another family? With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse ?--In matters of religion, I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution, independent of the powers of the general government. 1 have, therefore, undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it; but.

have left them as the constitution found them, under the direction or discipline of the state, or church au thorities, acknowledged by the several religious societies. The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries, I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires. Endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores. Without power to divert, or habits to contend against it, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it. Now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter-state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts; to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that state of society, which, to bodily comforts, adds the improvement of the mind and morals. We have, therefore, liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use: we have placed among them instructors in the arts of first necessity; and they are covered with the ægis of the law against aggressors from among ourselves. But, the endeavours to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter. They are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudices of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of

interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other. These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors; that whatever they did must be done through all time; that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation: that their duty is to remain as their creator made them, ignorance being safety, and knowledge full of danger. In short, my friends, among them also is seen the action and counter-action of good sense and of bigotry. They too have their anti-philosophists, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state; who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason, and obeying its mandates. In giving these out. lines, I do not mean to arrogate to myself the merit of measures. That is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures. the sound discretion with which they select from among them. selves those to whom they confide the legislative duties. It is due to the zeal and wisdom of the charatters thus selected, who lay the foundation of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others; and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated them with me in the executive functions. During this course of administration, and in order to

It is due to

disturb

enforced. He who bas time renders a service to the public morals and public tranquillity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coer cions of the law. But the experi ment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions, in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint. The public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties, and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press, and its demoralising licentiousness. If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion. Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally, as arguing harmony and happiness to our future course, I offer to our country sincere congratulations. With those too, not yet rallied to the same point, the disposition to do so is gaining strength. Facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them; and our doubting brethren will at length see, that the mass of their fellow citizens, with whom they cannot yet resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as they think, and desire what they desire. That our wish, as well as theirs, is that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, law and order preserved, equality of rights maintained, and that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry or that of his fathers. When satisfied of these views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and 3 B support

disturb it, the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety. They might, perhaps, have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved to, and provided by, the laws of the several states, against falsehood and defamation. Bat public duties more urgent, press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation. Now, was it uninteresting to the world that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth? Whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be un willing the whole world should witness, can be written down by falschood and defamation? The experiment has been tried. You have witnessed the scene. Our fellow-citizens have looked on cool and collected. They saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded. They gathered around their public functionaries; and, when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honourable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes he may be entrusted with the control of his own affairs. No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the states against false and defa matory publications, should not be VOL. XLVII.