the line, and by a valiant army commanded by the first generals in the world. Of all kinds of menaces, would not that of simple patience be the most terrible, which would enable us to persevere for ten years in this state of delay and of effort, which leaves to our active hostilities the knowledge and the choice of the place, the time and the means of annoyance. These considerations, and this contrast should, in my opinion, have inspired the English government with the wise resolution of taking the first steps to prevent hostilities. It has not done so. It has left to the emperor all the advantage of originating this honourable overture. It has given an answer, nevertheless, to the propositions that had been made, to it; and if this answer be compared with the shamefully celebrated declamations of lord Grenville, in the year 8, I am ready to acknowledge, that it is by no means void of moderation and wisdom. I shall have the honour to read it to you. (Here he read the letter of lord Mulgrave.) The character that pervades this answer, is vague and indeterminate. One single idea presents itself with some precision, that of having recourse to foreign powers; and this idea is by no means pacific; a superfluous interference ought not to be appealed to, if there be not a desire to embarrass the discussions, and to make them endless. The ordinary consequence of all complicated negotiations is to exasperate the mind, to weary out good intentions, and to throw back nations into a war, become more furious from the vexation of an unsuccessful attempt at an accommodation. Nevertheless, on a question regarding a multitude of interests and of passions, which VOL. XLVII. have never been in unison, we should not rest upon a single symptom. Time will soon develope to us the secret resolutions of the government of England. Should these resolutions be just and moderate, we shall see the calamities of war at an end; should, on the contrary, this first appearance, of accommodation prove but a false light, intended only to answer speculations of credit, to facilitate a loan, the acquisition of money, purchases, or enterprises, then we shall know how far the dispositions of the enemy are implacable and obstinate, and we shall have only to banish all hope from a dangerous lure; and trust without reserve to the goodness of our cause, to the justice of providence, and to the genius of the emperor.-Whilst expecting new lights to illustrate the obscurity of the actual state of affairs, his majesty the emperor has conceived that the imperfect disclosure which his majesty the king of England has thought proper to make of the first overtures of France, called for a full explanation on his part of all that he wished, of what he did, and of the answer of the English government. At the same time he has commissioned me to make known to you, that he will ever feel a real satisfaction, dear to his heart, in making known to the senate, and to his people, by frank, full and unambiguous communications, every thing that shall be connected with the interests of its prosperity and its glory, on every occasion when such communication shall be consistent with the principles of policy, and the rules of discretion. After the report, a member proposed an address to his imperial majesty, to thank him for this testimony of confidence which the senate S s had had received in the communication of so remarkable and important a report; and stating, that pursuant to the practice of the senate on political questions, this subject should be referred to a special commission. -Messrs. Barthelemy, Cacault, Hedouville, and his excellency marshal Perignon and M. Francois de Neufchateau, president of the senate, were named as commissioners. M. Segur's Speech in the Legislative Gentlemen. His majesty the emperor has wished you to be made acquainted, by an official communication, with recent facts, interesting to our political situation. His majesty, ever since he has been raised to the imperial dignity, has been of opinion, that this situation, and the circumstances which placed him in it, might naturally lead him to entertain hopes of peace. The enemy, undeceived with respect to the vain hopes which he had founded on the chances of an elective power, found himself in a situation which ought to dispose him to listen to more moderate counsels. The emperor has done what Gen. Bonaparte did before the crossing of the Drave; what the first consul did before he was forced to combat at Marengo; he has written to his Britannic majesty the letter which I am about to read to you. (Here he read the letter of the emperor.) This letter, gentlemen, (continued he), was suitable to the dignity of a power which relies on its strength, yet will not abuse it; the character of the emperor not permitting the To this suspicion of weakness. letter the British minister returned an answer not suitable to overtures so frank and so pacific, but an answer, the terms of which, at least, when compared with those employed in the year 8, in other circumstances, do not offend against decorum; and permit us to hope for communications of more utility. It is as follow: (Here he read the letter of lord Mulgrave.) The letter and the answer would have remained among the secrets of government, like all preli minary acts, the object of which is to lead to effective negotiations, if the message (speech) of the king to his parliament had not called for its publicity. This message, which announces that pacific communications had been made on the part of France, is full of acrimony, accusations, and reproaches. An insulting pity is feigned for a generous nation which has been suddenly attacked in the midst of peace, and whose ships, sailing under the protection of treaties, have been seized, pillaged, and destroyed. Yet astonishment is pretended that she should not have humbled herself by explanations with an enemy who has treated her as a robber, and that she has applied to hostilities by a declaration of war. It also announces connexions, a correspondence, and confidential relations with the powers of the continent, to insinuate the idea of a coalition which does not exist, and which it will be impossible to realize. -France is too great to condescend to return invectives; she owes to an ally, cruelly injured, not an useless pity, but the most constant and faithful support.--France has not an enemy on the continent; she has no discussion with any continental power, which can attach it to the war chimeras, idle pretexts to avoid ne gotiations for peace; such has always been the perfidious system which seeks to sow the seeds of war in the · continent, to eternize the monopoly of a single nation, and oppress the commerce of all others. It was this same spirit which, to authorize the violation of the treaty of Amiens, created in our ports imaginary armaments, and terrified the English nation with destructive projects.If the voice of humanity be not listened to, those will be culpable who expose their country to dangers, which he whom they accuse of being the author of them, has constantly endeavoured to prevent. The enlightened politicians of all countries, the English nation itself, slowly undeceived, have blamed the blind obstinacy of the English government, when, in the year eight, it neglected a favourable opportunity which was offered it, to make an honourable peace; and, perhaps, the present greatness of France is a consequence of that false policy. The future will shew the efforts of a blindness so obstinate; and perhaps, in ten years, our situation to treat may be still more advantageous. In war and in politics there are opportunities which never again recur, and which leave regret for ages, that they have been suffered to escape. If such be the destiny of England, it remains only for French bravery to display all its energy, and finally to triumph over that eternal enemy of the liberty of the seas and the tranquillity of nations. war of the British ministry. Austria, Prussia, the whole of Germany, wish for peace, and wish it with France. Even within these few days, the emperor has received the most positive assurances of their amicable dispositions. The emperor Alexander would have prevented the war, had England consented to accept his mediation he would, perhaps, since have put an end to it, if his ministers at Paris and London had followed the intentions he then entertained. The intervention of Russia, extremely useful to prevent hostilities, cannot be equally so when it is proposed to terminate them. England has nothing to dread from the power of Russia, and does not conceive herself interested in observing certain measures with her. This is known to all Europe; the events of the year nine have demonstrated it; the British government has proved it. If England at present wishes to derive advantage from some confidential communications, it certainly is not to manifest more pacific intentions; her aim is to gain credit for an apparent coalition. But she has no chance of success, and her hopes are illusory; for at Petersburg, as well as at Vienna, as well as at Berlin, the attack of the Spanish frigates in the midst of peace; the assassination, in the midst of peace, of three hundred victims, immolated by the cannon of England, or buried in the waves. The capture, in the midst of peace, of the Spanish regiments, the detention in the Mediterrancan of eighty vessels of all nations, and their perpetual violation of the liberty of the seas, are considered as an attack on the rights of nations and injurious to all sovereigns.-This correspondence, these confidential relations, are therefore only so many M. Regnault's Speech in the Tribunate Gentlemen Gentlemen,-The government of England, in publishing imperfectly the commencement of a negotiation with France, has violated the law of nations, and imposed on his majesty the emperor an obligation to make known to France and to Europe the circumstances of the case with all accuracy.-Europe and France will observe to what fresh sacrifices of self love, of every sentiment of vain glory, a noble heart, full of pride, and jealous of its renown, has submitted, in order to spare the effusion of human blood, of the blood of his people more endeared to his love. They will perceive that the first warrior of his age has endeavoured to restore, as soon as possible, to peace and to repose, the existing generations, whose tranquillity and happiness form henceforth the dearest of his wishes, and will constitute the sole glory which he wishes to add to the glory he already has acquired by his military triumphs. These sentiments, gentlemen, explain at once the thoughts and the actions of his majesty. And should it be asked how a man, gifted with a character more vigorous, who has proved himself more enterprising and more dar. ing than the most daring and enterprising persons recorded in history; how a man, in the vigour of impassioned youth, could, in desiring peace, triumph at once over his remembrances and his hopes; how the general of five hundred thousand brave men could keep in subjection the most noble, as well as the most absolute of all the passions, that of renown;-how he could renounce the glory which he could still acquire in this career of arms, in which he bas encountered only victories: it must be answered--this man has need of the repose and of the happiness of the world.-If one asks how a the the sacred oath which the Almighty had accepted, to live for the happiness and the glory of the French people; and in order to enter upon the accomplishment of that holy engagement, he collected, set down, and addressed to the king of England, the expression of all the generous, moderate, and, if I may so speak, the religious sentiments that can be conceived and professed by a noble soul: and indeed, that im. mortal dispatch will not rank among the less glorious monuments of the reign of his majesty; nor will it be the least certain of his titles to the gratitude and love of France; neither will it be the least secure pledge of the esteem of those wise philanthropists, who, in whatever light they may be represented by obscure and perverse men, by whom they are calumniated without being understood, still form so numerous a class in the bosom of enlightened Europe. But on this occasion may not the humanity of the monarch have deceived his wisdom? Could his reason have long continued to cherish the hopes suggested by his benevolence? Had he forgotton how, and upon what perfidious grounds, the most sacred compacts had been violated? Had he forgotten, that when the leopards were tearing the treaty of Amiens, no fiend of aggression had provoked their rage? Had he forgotten how, on the 8th March, it was stated to the parliament of England, that our ports and our arsenals, though then in a state of pacific silence and inactivity, were filled with armed vessels, and holding out, in the state of their equipment, a most menacing appearance?—No, tribunes; such recollections are not to be effaced; but since the æra that gave them birth, what happy changes have taken place in the attitude of France, attacked, as she has been, by imprudent and unjust enemies! Is it necessary, tribunes, that I solicit your attention to our internal situation, and to remind you of the strong pledge it holds out to you of security, strength, and well-grounded expectation? Were you not the first to interpret and express the national wish, ratified by the suffrages of five millions of citizens, and since the accomplishment of that wish, since the establishment of the Napoleon dynasty has for ever fixed the destinies of the French empire, was ever an empire more firmly founded? Never in any nation has the conspiring will and energies of the government and of the people created a mass of strength and power more imposing and more formidable! Never has any state advanced with more rapid strides towards prosperity and greatness! For these two years past, it is true, war with England has been declared, and no important occurrence has marked its progress; no decisive blow has been struck that can furnish any conjecture of its termination. But in our ports we have fleets; in our harbours armed flotillas. Of the four chances to be got over in reaching a descent, since, after all, we must utter that formidable word, three of them have already decided in our favour. The ships are built; they are collected together; and ports have been prepared to receive them. The whole advantage of the war has therefore been in our fa. vour; since, without having experienced any check in the face of a superior enemy, we have employed two years in assembling together immense means. The whole advantage of the war has been in our favour, since, in spite of the numerous Ss 3 ships |