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have succeeded at Stroud had he been opposed by a stouter man than the unstable and chattering Serjeant Adams. A First Lord of the Treasury was at all events a better catch for the clothiers of Stroud than the Chairman of the Middlesex Sessions.

But how different a reception have the members of the Derby administration met with at the hands of the constituencies whom they have been severally constrained to ask for a re-instatement in the House of Commons ? Each and all of them have been returned without trouble or difficulty. A credulous listener to the Manchester speeches, one unacquainted with general facts, last week, would not have believed that a man of the Derby Ministry had a chance at the hustings; but both counties and towns have shown their spirited aversion to claptrap declamation and League lies. And who are the men whom the Manchester League forbid their Sovereign to call to her councils and pronounce unfit to administer the public affairs of the realm ?

The objection urged against the Whigs, and rightly urged, has been that they have endeavoured to rule England by an oligarchic compact. Every man to be fit for office must be a Sir Jeames or a Lord Chawles. Hereditary and presumable qualifications were invariably made by the Whigs to supersede personal and tried capabilities. No one more clamourously denounced this family compact than Richard Cobden, and the League writers were for ever affecting a desire to see Napodeon's maxim realised, “ La carriere ouverte aux talens.Let us have men of the people to represent the people—men who have won their way by their own energies, not those who have merely inherited a name. Non quis sed quid.

Now, let us try the several objects of Lord Derby's choice by this standard.

First and foremost, we have Edward Sugden, now deservedly Baron St. Leonard's. If Sugden is not a man of the people, who is? If Sugden has not won his way to eminence by his own individual energies, who ever did? In a profession ever jealous of each member's claim to distinction and chary of awarding the palm of pre-eminent merit, we boldly ask for the lawyer who will step forth and deny Sugden's meritorious title to the Chancellor's woolsack?

What man competent to form a correct judgment on such a subject will gainsay the entire fitness for the offices of Attorney and Solicitor General of Sir Frederick Thesiger and Sir Fitzroy Kelly ? Still continuing our investigation of the merits and qualifications of the law officers of the Derby administration,

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we now come to Mr. Walpole, the new Home Secretary. Like Mr. Pitt, he has, under a noble desire to serve his country, relinquished a profession in which he had achieved a position which placed within his grasp the highest and most lucrative professional places; and confidently do we anticipate that Mr. Walpole will not falsify those promises of utility in his important post which his professional antecedents suggest. The sacrifice which Mr. Walpole, under a patriotic devotion to the public service, has made, in relinquishing his practice as a barrister, is not nominal but real, as every one conversant with the profession of a barrister must be aware. To relinquish practice, even for a season, is to abandon it for ever; a successful return is impossible, even to the most energetic and determined. When Mr. Pitt was driven from office for a season, so destitute of pecuniary means was he that he meditated a return to circuit; but his friends deemed the thought little short of madness, and considered that even his matchless talents and iron will would prove inadequate to reinstate him in the less lofty line he had once voluntarily relinquished.

Within the limits prescribed us for this article we cannot find room for extensive quotations ; but we cannot refrain from extracting the following passage from Mr. Walpole's address to his constituents at Midhurst; for, in our judgment, it developes the principles on which a Home Secretary ought to act and to which we doubt not that Mr. Walpole will conscientiously adhere:

“I am as confident as that I stand here before you that a Conservative policy is that which this country ought to uphold if it intends to prosper. What is meant by a Conservative policy has sometimes been questioned; but I am of opinion it may very easily be explained. Appreciating the value of the institutions under which we live-but knowing that everything here upon earth is liable to frailty, to error, and to decay. I would always combine a firm determination to preserve those institutions which we know to be good with a hearty desire to improve and amend them (cheers.) A Conservative policy would regard those institutions much in the same way as an old proprietor would regard the venerated family mansion which he had inherited from those who had

gone before him—that is to say, he would strengthen it where it had become weak-he would repair it where it was decayed—he would extend, increase, enlarge, and add to it where time and circumstances rendered it necessary that that should be done; but he would not pull down any useful part of it merely because it was not in strict architectural proportion : still less would he destroy or even touch the main foundations upon which it rested. And as the old mansion had generally a still older church hard by, so the true Conseryative policy would look to religion as the basis, the surest basis,

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the only basis of all prosperity, whether it be individual or whether it be national—regarding the State, not as some do, as that soulless, lifeless, godless machine which is merely subservient to our temporal wants and our temporal interests; but in its primary obligations, and in its ultimate aims and ends, regarding it in a Christian country at least as partaking somewhat of a divine character, as comprehending within its range all the objects of humanity, and as necessarily including among these objects the spiritual nature, the moral responsibilities, and the eternal destinies of man (cheers.) These are the sentiments and these are the principles by which I wish and believe the Government to be actuated. Sure I am that these are the principles, and these are the sentiments, by which, in my humble judgment, this country alone can prosper (cheers.) In undertaking the anxious duties which I have to discharge, all I can say is that I shall do so faithfully and honestly, with a firm determination to swerve neither to the right hand nor to the left from that which I believe will contribute, in any degree, to the honour and the well-being of the whole of this great country, whose institutions will, I trust, long be preserved to make us what they have hitherto made us-namely, the freest, the happiest, the wealthiest people in the world (loud cheers)."

Having thus glanced at Lord Derby's preparations for the administration of justice and the supervision of the magistracy at home, let us proceed to his colonial arrangements. re-echoing the complaints of the last two hundred years in pronouncing our colonial department the worst administered of any section of the State. The British Colonies—numerons and important as they are—appear to have been resigned by the .nation for successive generations with ignorant indifference to the caprice or cupidity of Whig lords, or the cadets of Whig families, to plunder or play their fantastic tricks upon at pleasure. And all the while there has been a succession of able men in many of our colonies, surpassing in intelligence the average population in the mother country, who were fully competent to inform and assist the authorities in Downing-street; and whose love of their fatherland made them ever ready to tender services which the Colonial Office, for the most part, treated with insulting contempt. We account for the average superiority of colonial intellects by the fact of their being more early and frequently called into exercise. Be this, however, as it may, the existence of this superiority is indisputable, though it has never been recognised in England in the only way that is valuable--namely, by the concession of proper political privileges. But an exposition of colonial grievances and of slighted colonial capabilities is a work for which we have not space at present, and its importance demands a separate article: we will, iherefore, confine ourselves to the present day. Had any of our

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colonists--not merely those in Van Diemen's Land or in South Africa-been asked

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time within the last five years what sort of a colonial secretary they desired, unquestionably they would have described a man with qualifications antithetical in all points to those which made Lord Grey so offensive to our distant brethren and so detrimental to English interests at home. For that morgue aristocratique, so inseparably incident to a Whig nobleman, they would have desired a courteous bearing; and, for a habit of supercilious rejection and arrogant self-sufficiency, they would have prayed for a candid mind and a listening ear. Perhaps, to no department in the State can the maxim of the clear-sighted Colbert, " Laissez les faire," be more safely applied than to the existing English Colonies; and unless it is applied, under proper modifications, to English Colonies, they will not much longer exist as appendages to the English Crown. The Times has been grimly facetious on the appointment of Sir John Pakington to the colonial secretaryship; and sneeringly asks what can a Worcestershire justice know of the requirements of our distant colonies ? The writer's ideas of a country justice seem to be identified with the sayings and doings of Mr. Justice Shallow ; or the coarse but, in their day, undoubtedly truthful caricatures of Fielding. But there is no more similarity between a highly educated country gentleman of the present day who happens to be in the commission of the peace, and the Sir Toby Belch or Sir John Brute of a former generation, than there is between a Fellow of a College, such as Terre Filius laughed at as smoking a pipe with his bed-maker, and an existing Fel: low of Oriel—Sir John Pakington's College.

George Canning had as keen a sense of the ludicrous in the old justices of the early Georgian era as has the writer in the Times; and, perhaps, as keen a perception of the fitness of individuals for different offices; and he, be it remembered, selected a mere country gentleman-Sturges Bourne-for his Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the horror and amazement of the Tadpoles and Tapers of his day. Posterity will not disparage Canning's judgment in this matter: neither do we believe it will censure Lord Derby for his selection of Sir John Pakington for the Colonies, and of Mr. Henley to preside over the Board of Trade.

Mr. Henley, in Oxfordshire, is in the same category of justiceship as Sir John Pakington is in the adjoining county of Worcester, and is equally distinguished by his able discharge of his magisterial duties. We can remember Mr. Henley as a gentleman-commoner of Magdalen College, Oxford; where he was remarkable, not so much for showy scholarship or an ambition to shine in the schools, as for an earnest desire for useful knowledge and a hard-headed devotion to its acquirement. He has long been an active county magistrate ; but he is also practically familiar with the details of trade and commerce to an extent which will cause his subordinates if they attempt to deceive him, and London traders if they attempt to defraud the revenue, to open the eyes of astonishment. We recollect Mr. Henley's starting for a continental tour a few years ago in a style so strikingly characteristic of the man, so illustrative of his disdain for fashionable conventionalisms and his earnest painstaking pursuit of real information, that we will take the liberty of mentioning its peculiar incidents. He did not order his travelling carriage and scamper round Europe merely for the sake of saying he had made the grand tour; but he placed his wife and young family inside a convenient coach, on the box of which he himself mounted and drove his own four-in-band leisurely over Europe—not hastening from sight to sight with the rapidity of ordinary tourists, which obliterates impressions as soon as made upon the mind—but pausing at each port of commerce to inspect its trade minutely, and minutely examining each spot of varied interest from Pæstum to Memel. This may seem to some a homely fact to quote as an antecedent in a statesman's career; but it is only from such independent facts, standing apart from display or even a suspicion of design, that a clear insight into a man's real character can be obtained. It is told of Sheridan once upon a time, when his friends were expecting to come into office, that he retired for three weeks into the country to learn arithmetic, of which he was as yet profoundly ignorant, and thus qualify himself for the Chancellorship of the Exchequer; and it is notorious that the Whig Bishop Watson read the rudiments of chemistry after he had been appointed to the professor's chair. But the statistical information which Mr. Henley gathered for himself on the tour to which we have adverted, without any view but the attainment of exact knowledge, he will now be enabled to devote to the national service. Knowledge so acquired is far more durable and intrinsically valuable than what is got up, pro re nata.

The following observations made to his Dorsetshire constituents by Mr. G. Bankes, the new Judge Advocate General, which had not met our eye when we penned our comment upon the appointments of Sir John Pakington and Mr. Henley, are so consonant with our own views on the subject under consideration—namely, the fitness of country gentlemen distinguished in their own counties for official life—that we gladly adopt them :

“ It has been observed with reference to the Ministry which has so

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