must have been his first object: as long as a British army remained in the peninsula, so long were they a standing contrast to the basest spectacle that ever fraud, oppression, and tyranny presented to the disgust and indignation of mankind. If, therefore, the ruler of France had any interest in concealing or in disguising the perfidious characteristics of the Spanish war, he must have been anxious above all things to drive a British army from that scene where they stood a moral contrast to him and to his causeopposed to him in every sense, in every point to which the term can be applied, and arrayed against him upon that scene which his ambition had selected for the display of its last iniquity, and where it must be the wish of all who look for the repose of mankind, that that ambition may at last find a grave.-"As to war with America, there is no man," said Mr. Perceval," who would more, sincerely deplore such a calamity than myself. I know it would be a great evil to us, but I know also it would be a greater evil to America. I wish for the progressive prosperity of America. I would look to her wealth, and strength, and commerce, as accessary to those of the British empire. I should be sorry to see America subdued—I should indeed lament to see America destroyed-here Mr. Whitbread repeated the word destroyed? When I say destroyed, I certainly cannot be thought to mean mere physical annihilation, but if the total loss of commerce to a commercial power be not destructive, I know not what can be SO

have befallen us before this time? We were to have been swept from the face of the peninsula we were not to have been left a foot of ground to stand upon-we were to have been driven into the sea. Such were the prophecies: but, unfortunately for the prophets, we have. not been swept from the peninsulawe have not been driven into the sea, but are at this hour in possession of Portugal. But then, say these prophets, you have Portugal, 'tis true; but it is only because Bonaparte thinks proper to let you Leep it: he will begin with Spain, and leave us for the last.-Will any man believe, that if the French could have driven us from Portugal, they would not?-Wonderful as the power of France unquestionably was, we had maintained our hold in Portugal in despite of it. Was this the commentary upon the invincible force of her arms, and the united strength of her resources, that Bonaparte wished should be read by Europe upon the contest in the peninsula-The British forces have driven his army out of Portugal, and keep possession of Portugal in defiance of his millions, and to the disappointment, vexation, and confusion of their ruler-and yet we were to be told that he permitted all this, nay, even that he designed it! His first wish, his prime object, was to expel us from Portugal, and he has not done it, only because he could not! That he might not yet do it, it was not for him to argue then, because he wished not to prophesy what might or might not take place: but to infer from a retrospective view of what had occurred, the fair probability of what might occur hereafter, and arguing from that view, he saw no reason to suppose that he could do it; for, if he could, he must have done it before now; it

That the present government is influenced by a spirit of conciliation in all discussions with the United States, I can at present give the honourable gentleman no other proof than the general B2

assurance

assurance I have already given." Mr. Perceval then concluded with two observations; the one respect ing the recommendation in the speech for the provision of certain measures for the future government of the British possessions in India. He did not agree with the honourable gentleman in thinking that the speech should have gone into a specific detail of those measures. They had been long under the consideration of ministers, and would in due course come under the consideration of the house. The other and concluding observation was respecting the misapprehension of the honourable gentleman as to a passage in the speech of his noble friend. He was glad he had given his noble friend an opportunity of setting him right; and he had only to say, that he entirely concurred with the honourable gentleman in thinking that the personal charac. ter of the chief of any government should never be considered as an insurmountable obstacle to the opening a negotiation for peace with that government.

Mr. Whitbread-"I do not rise, sir, to explain, but to demand of the right honourable gentleman to explain, if he meant any personal allusion in some words which fell from him that appeared to me to be of no very delicate description, and therefore I do now ask of that right honourable gentleman if he di intend any such allusion?"

Mr. Perceval-"I could have meant none. The lines are Pope's the metaphor is that of a spider spinning a new web after one has been destroyed. I thought it applicable to the pertinacious manner in which the honourable gentleman appeared to me to have been reviving his prophecies over again; but I do assure him, that I would not have so applied it, could I have

imagined that he would have so construed it; and that were I even indifferent to his disapprobation, which I am not, I could not be so indifferent to my own as to descend to the grossness of any such personal allusion."

Mr. Whitbread-"I am perfectly satisfied with the explanation given by the right honourable gentleman; and I am sure that had the same words been so applied to him, he would have felt it necessary to call for an explanation."

Mr. Perceval here said, with a smile, across the table, " Indeed I should not."

General Tarleton, though he saw gentlemen unwilling to have the present debate protracted to any considerable length, after the debate of the preceding evening, could not help adverting to some topics in the speech, and particularly to that part of it in which the affairs of the peninsula were described as wearing a' favourable appearance. He entered at some length into the impolicy of the war, and contended that it had been almost uniformly unsuccessful. After going at length into the affairs of the peninsula, he took a view of the rest of the continent, observing, that he had the opinion and doctrine of Mr. Fox in his favour, who wished for the pencil of a Cervantes, to be able to ridicule those who wished to enter into a continental

On the same day a report was brought up by Mr. secretary Ryder upon the state of the king's health; which report [see Public Papers] was read, and afterwards led to certain proceedings in both houses. Upon these we shall briefly touch. Jan. 4.-The earl of Liverpool, in the house of peers, rose to move the appointment of a select committee, to examine the physicians in attendance on his majesty, touching his majesty's health. His lordship observed, that they were now called upon to resort to this measure under different circumstances to those which existed in the last ses sion. The privy council at that period had no jurisdiction in the case; they were summoned as the body that could most conveniently be summoned to examine the physicians, and made their report to parliament, which afterwards appointed committees of its own also to examine the physicians. Now under the act passed last session, the queen's council had a legal jurisdiction, and their reports under that act had already been laid on the table. As however some further legislative measure was necessary on this melancholy subject, he thought it would be more consistent with propriety, for the house to have on its journals the examination of the physicians in attendance on his majesty taken before a committee of its own body; and he should therefore move that a select committee be appointed to examine the physicians in attendance on his majesty, touching the state of his majesty's health since their last examination before a committee of this house.-Ordered. And also, that the said committee consist of 21 lords, and that they be chosen by ballot, each lord to deliver in his list before the next sitting of the house.

A similar order was made in the

After this,

house of commons. when the speaker was putting the question, that a supply be granted, and that the house, tomorrow, resolve itself into a committee for that purpose,

Mr. Creevey rose and complained, that the house was proceeding in the present state of the country, to the most important part of its duty, with no information to regulate its conduct. Committees had been appointed many years since to inquire into the best mode of retrenching the public expenditure, and innumerable reports had been made by them, recommending the abolition of almost innumerable places and pensions; but the house had yet come to no distinct resolu tion on the subject, and had taken no step to remove so gross a scandal on the nation. Indeed these committees had been so long sitting, that they seemed now to be considered as matters of course, and the grievances they were nominated to redress, ministers had been constantly employed in aggravating. What had taken place, even since the last separation of the house? No less than three new offices had been filled, and filled too by members of parliament: one of them had been made clerk of the council; another, marshal of the admiralty; and the third, paymaster of widows' pensions; all of which offices had been occupied before by persons who were not members of the legislature. It was not long since another member had been made a master in chancery, who had never practised in that court; and would any man deny that the gift was conferred because the person receiving it had supported the political views of the ministers ? Sir John Sinclair, another member, who had devoted his attention almost solely to agricultural pursuits,

had been made a collector of the excise, an office of great emolument. Did any man, however bigoted, doubt that the member for Colchester (whose mercantile concerns and the duties that devolved upon him as connected with the East Indies had chiefly occupied him) had been appointed marshal of the admiralty because his vote had always been at the service of the crown? Was it fair, was it just to the people of England groaning under taxation, and yet patiently suffering under many privations, that it should be held out to them, that the only trade that now succeeded was that of a member of parliament who truckled to the minister of the day? Before he sat down, it was the intention of the honourable member to submit a motion to the house, with a view that it should pledge itself to the early consideration of the subject of sinecure emoluments and pensions, with a view at a future period of founding upon it a place bill, a measure that must ultimately be resorted to. He had now to mention a subject which it was necessary to touch with some delicacy; he alluded to the appointment of colonel M'Mahon to the office of paymaster of widows' pensions. The honourable member had the good fortune to be acquainted with him, and it was impossible that a more faithful or deserving servant of the prince regent could be selected for reward: but in recommending his royal highness to bestow the place in question upon colonel M'Mahon, the ministers had done great injustice to him, had offered a gross indignity to the prince, and an insult and outrage to the house of commons. It was now twenty-nine years since the committee of public accounts, in their 10th report, in the most decided terms stated, that the

place of paymaster of widows' pensions was a useless burthen to the country, and ought to be ablished. The commissioners of military inquiry, in their report four years ago, alluding to the department of the secretary at war, referring to the 10th report of the committee of finance, state, that they coincide with it in every respect, and recommend, that at the death of ge neral Fox, the then occupant, it should be abolished. General Fox had lately died; and yet, in the very teeth of these two commissions, ministers had ventured to advise the prince regent (by patent the honourable member presumed) to fill up the vacancy by nominating colonel M Mahon.Why were the commissions made out?-Why did they make any reports at all, if the recommendation was not only to be disregarded, but to be treated with contempt?-A more gross indignity to the prince, or a greater insult to the house, could scarcely be imagined. The honourable member thought it necessary to say thus much on this nomination (in which his firmness in maintaining his coun try's rights had not, he trusted, induced him to say any thing indeli cate to his prince), or it would have been impossible for him to arraign the conduct of the first lord of the admiralty in appointing Mr. Thorton, or the first lord of the treasury in selecting sir John Sinclair. Thinking that no greater grievance could be complained of, and that there was no time fitter for the purpose than the present, he should move, as an amendment, "that this house will, tomorrow se'nnight, resolve itself into a committee of supply, and in the mean time that it will take into consideration the state of the various places of emolument, and pensions, in possession of the different mem. bers of this house."

The