both hands, with the hilt upwards. The Bunyo then drew a large sheet of paper from his bosom and holding it up said: "This contains the orders of the Government!"-The interpreters immediately translated these words; while the officers, however, sat with their eyes cast down, as if they had been deprived of all animation. The Bunyo then unfolded the paper, and read its contents aloud. It was the document, a copy of which has already been given, stating that Chwostoff's misconduct had been the occasion of our imprisonment; but that, as the Bunyo was convinced that the said Chwostoff had acted without the sanction of the Russian Government, he was authorized to grant us our liberty, and that we should embark on the following day.

The interpreters having translated this paper, and assured the Bunyo that we understood it, one of the senior officers was dispatched in company with Kumaddschero to communicate its contents to the sailors. In the meanwhile, the Bunyo produced another paper which he likewise read aloud, and afterwards desired Teske to translate and to hand it to me. It was a congratulation from the Bunyo to the following effect:

"You have now lived three years in a Japanese frontier town, and in a foreign climate, but you are now about to return to your native country. This affords me great pleasure. You, Captain Golownin, as the chief of your companions, must have endured most anxiety of mind, and I sincerely rejoice that you have

attained your happy object. You have, in some measure, become acquainted with the laws of our country, which prohibit us from maintaining any commerce with the people of foreign nations, and require that we should drive all foreign vessels from our coasts: explain this to your countrymen on your return home. It has been our wish whilst you remained in Japan to treat you with all possible kindness; but before you became acquainted with our customs, our behaviour may have appeared to you the very opposite of what we intended. Each nation has its peculiar customs, but good conduct will every where be esteemed as such. On your return to Russia, inform your countrymen of this likewise. wish you all a safe voyage."

I

We thanked the Bunyo for his condescension. Having listened to our acknowledgments, he withdrew, and we were requested to return to our house.

Throughout the whole of these proceedings, not the slightest indication of joy was observable on Mr. Moor's countenance; he merely repeated, that he was unworthy of the acts of kindness which the Japanese conferred upon him.

On our return home a number of officers, soldiers and other individuals, came to wish us joy. The three officers next in rank to the Bunyo also presented to me a written congratulation, which they requested I would preserve, as a memorial of our friendship. The following is a translation of this paper:

From the Ginmiyaks. "You have all lived for a long

period in Japan, but you are now to return to your native country by order of the Bunyo. The period of your departure is fast approaching. During your long residence here such an intimacy has arisen between us, that we cannot help regretting the necessity of our separation. The distance between the island of Matsmai and our eastern capital is very considerable, and in this frontier town there are many deficiences. You have, however, been accustomed to heat, cold, and other variations of weather, and are now prepared for your happy voyage home. Your own joy must be extreme; we, on our part, rejoice at the happy issue of the affair. May God protect you on your voyage, for that we pray to him. We write this as a farewell letter."

The joy of the Japanese was, indeed, unfeigned. We understood from the interpreters, that in consequence of an application from the High Priest of the city, the Bunyo had issued orders that prayers for our safe voyage should be offered up in all the temples for the space of five days.

On the 6th of October, one of the officers, accompanied by Kumaddschero, was sent on board the Diana, to inform Captain Rikord that the orders for our liberation had been officially announced by the Bunyo. At their request, I wrote a letter to this effect to Mr. Rikord. In the evening, by the Governor's order, a supper was laid out for us in the upper apartment of our house. This supper consisted of ten different dishes, containing fish, game, ducks and geese, cooked

in various ways. After supper, some of the best Japanese sagi was served out to us. Several boxes, containing lackered vessels, were afterwards brought in, as presents from the interpreters, in return for the books which, with the consent of the government, they had received from us; but they had been ordered to accept of nothing more. We were, however, very well assured that these presents were sent to us at the expense of the government.

On the following day, the 7th of October, we put on our best clothes. The servants and guards packed up our other clothes in boxes, without omitting the least trifle, and placed them in the portico of the house. At midday we were conducted to the shore. Our clothes, the presents we had received, and the provisions for our voyage, were carried behind us by a number of attendants. On reaching the harbour, we entered a building near the custom-house, where Mr. Moor, Mr. Chlebnikoff, and I were shown into one apartment, and the sailors into another. We had been only a few moments in this place, when Capt. Rikord came ashore, accompanied by Mr. Saweljeff, the interpreter, Kisseleff, and some other individuals. He, and his two companions, were conducted to the same apartment in which, a few days before, my interview with him had taken place, and which Mr. Chlebnikoff, Mr. Moor, and I, were immediately requested to enter. Sampey and Chiogoro were among the officers whom we found assembled; they sat together on the place which had formerly been

occupied

occupied by the Bunyo. The former desired one of the inferior officers to present to Capt. Rikord a salver, on which was a box, containing the declaration of the Bunyo of Matsmai, folded up in silken cloth. The officer, with much ceremony and respect, advanced towards Captain Rikord, who, at the request of the Japanese, read the translation of the document from beginning to end. The next ceremony was the delivery to me of the paper, entitled "a NOTIFICATION from the two officers next in rank to the Governor of Matsmai." It was enclosed in a box, and wrapt in silk, but it was not presented on a salver, nor by the same officer who had handed the other document to Captain Rikord. Though I knew perfectly well the contents of the paper, for the sake of formality, I was requested to read it. The presents sent by the Governor of Irkutzk were then returned to us, and we

on

The officers and seamen board the Diana received us with a degree of joy, or rather enthusiasm, which can only be felt by brothers or intimate friends after a long absence, and a series of similar adventures. With regard to ourselves, I can only say, that,

after an imprisonment of two years, two months, and twentysix days, on finding ourselves again in an imperial Russian ship, surrounded by our countrymen, with whom we had, for five or six years, served in remote, dangerous, and laborious voyageswe felt what men are capable of feeling, but which cannot be described.

The Reports of Messrs. C. A.

RODNEY and JOHN GRAHAM,
Commissioners sent by the United
States Government to inquire
into the State of the Republic of
RIO DE LA PLATA.

State.

When every thing was in readiness for our departure, we were conducted to the Bunyo's barge, on board of which we embarked, accompanied by Tachatay-Kachi; our clothes, provisions, and the presents being placed in separate boats. On our way from the custom-house to the boats all the Japanese, not only those with whom we were acquainted, but the strangers who were looking on, bade us adieu, and wished us a safe voyage.

SIR-I have now the honour to submit to your consideration, my report on the subject of the late mission to South America, embracing the information de rived from the various sources within my power, so far as I had an opportunity of improving the advantages possessed.

With the history of the conquest of the Spanish possessions in America, you must be familiar. They were principally, if not exclusively, achieved by private adventurers. When completed. a most oppressive system of governmeh

vernment, or rather despotism, was established by the parent country.

These extensive regions were originally swayed by two viceroys. The dominions of Spain, in North America, were under the government of the Viceroy of Mexico; and all her possessions in South America were subject to the control of the Viceroy of Peru.

The remoteness of some parts of the country from the residence of the viceroy at Lima occasioned, in 1718, the establishment of another viceroyalty at Santa Fé de Bogota, in the kingdom of New Grenada. In 1731, New Grenada was divided, and a number of the provinces composing that kingdom were separated from it. These were put under the jurisdiction of a captain-general and president, whose seat of government was at Caraccas.

In 1568, Chili was erected into a separate captain-generalship; in 1778, a new viceroyalty was established at Buenos Ayres, comprehending all the Spanish possessions to the east of the Western Cordilleras, and to the south of the river Marañon.

This immense empire seems, according to the laws of the Indies, to have been considered

distinct kingdom of itself, though united to Spain, and annexed to the crown of Castile. In this light it is viewed by Baron Humboldt, in his Essay on New Spain.

With some slight shades of difference in the regulations established in these governments, the prominent features of their political institutions exhibit a VOL. LX.

striking resemblance, as the general system was the same.

Their commerce was confined to the parent country and to Spanish vessels exclusively. They were prohibited, under the penalty of death, to trade with foreigners. The natives of Old Spain composed the body of their merchants. Though this part of the system had, previously to the revolution, been relaxed, in some degree, particularly by the statute of free commerce, as it is styled; the relief was partial, and the restrictions continued severe and oppressive.

All access to the Spanish settlements was closed to foreigners; and even the inhabitants of the different provinces were prohibited from intercourse with one another, unless under the strictest regulations.

The various manufactures that might interfere with those of Spain were not permitted. They were prevented, under severe penalties, from raising flax, hemp, or saffron. In climates most congenial to them, the culture of the grape and the olive was prohibited. On account of the distance of Peru and Chili, and the difficulty of transporting oil and wine to these remote regions, they were permitted to plant vines and olives, but were prohibited the culture of tobacco. At Buenos Ayres, by special indulgence of the viceroys, they were allowed to cultivate grapes and olives merely for the use of the table.

They were compelled to procure from the mother country articles of the first necessity; and were thus rendered dependent 2 M

on

on her for the conveniences of life, as well as luxuries. The crown possessed the monopoly of tobacco, salt, and gunpowder. To these oppressive regulations and restrictions was added an odious system of taxation. From the Indians was exacted a tribute in the shape of a poll-tax, or a certain servitude in the mines, called the mita. A tenth part of the produce of cultivated lands was taken, under the denomination of tithes. The alcavala, a tax varying from two and a half to five per cent on every sale and resale of all things moveable and immovable, was rigidly exacted, though, in some cases, a commutation was allowed. Royal and municipal duties were laid on imports, and on the tonnage, entrance, and clearance of vessels, under the different appellations of almoxarifasgo, sea alcavala, corso, consulado, armada and armadilla. To these may be added the royal fifths of the precious metals, the most important tax in the mining districts. Besides all these, there were stamp taxes, tavern licences, and sums paid for the sale of offices, of titles of nobility, papal bulls, the composition and confirmation of lands, with a number of others of inferior grade.

Under the Spanish monarchs, who had early obtained from the Pope the ecclesiastical dominion, and thus had united in their royal persons all civil and religious authority, a most oppressive hierarchy was established, with its numerous train of offices and orders, succeeded by the inqui sition.

The posts of honour and profit,

from the highest to the lowest, were filled, almost exclusively, by natives of Old Spain.

The principal code of laws, thus maintaining the supremacy of Spain over those distant regions, almost locked up from the rest of the world, emanated from the Council of the Indies, established by the King, in which he was supposed to be always present. The royal rescripts, the recopilationes of the Indies, and the partidas, furnished the general rules of decision; and when these were silent or doubtful, recourse was had to the opinions of professional men.

This system was generally executed by the viceroys, captains general, and by the tribunals of justice, with a spirit corresponding with the rigorous policy that produced it. To this form of government, the country had for centuries submitted with implicit obedience, and probably would have continued to submit much longer but for events in this country, and the changes in Europe. The sagacious minds of many able writers, penetrating into the future, had predicted, at some distant date, a revolution in South America, before that in North America had commenced. From the period of the successful termination of our own struggle for independence, that of the inhabitants of the South has been with more confidence foretold; and there is reason to believe it has been hastened by this for tunate event. The conduct of Spain, during the war of our revolution, was calculated to make a lasting impression on her colonies. This result was then foreseen

by