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effect to the principle of abolition. The congress of Vienna was entitled to the gratitude of mankind on this subject; for there all the great powers of Europe made a declaration which stamped the slave trade as disgraceful, and made every state anxious to get out of it as soon as circumstances could conveniently admit of its doing so. But though much had been done at this congress, yet still it was painful to state, that from the encouragement which such a traffic held out to the sordid passions of desperate men, neither international conventions, nor municipal law, could have extirpated the evil, so long as a contraband traffic might be carried on under the cover of the flag of any of the nations of Europe. In this state of the trade more disgraceful and painful circumstances occurred than before. The illicit traffic arose out of the partial abolition, and out of the facilities that the cessation of belligerent rights, in consequence of the peace, created. It was infinitely more practicable in peace than during war. In the time of war In the time of war this country had extensive possessions in several parts of the world. No man would say that we ought to retain these in our hands for the purpose of excluding slave traders. We had now, however, by the conclusion of the present treaty, arrived at the last stage of our difficulties and exertions. One great portion of the world was rescued from the horrors of this traffic. For the first time, he believed, in diplomatic history, the states of Europe bound themselves by a

mutual stipulation to exercise the right of search over their merchantmen, with a view of giving complete effect to the same laudable object. The power with whom the present treaty was contracted, afforded by its flag more protection to illicit traders than any other nation: this resource was now taken from that baneful evil. It was due to Portugal, and to the exertions of its representative in this country, to state that after a long negotiation that power was the first to concede the right of search, under certain arrangements and regulations to other nations. A sum of money had been paid to that power by virtue of a treaty similar in principle to the present. The Portuguese government had been, at that time, called upon to determine at what period it would be prepared to adopt measures for the final suppression of the slave trade; and a treaty had been at length signed, by which such a period had been fixed, though the ratifications had not yet been exchanged.

The prudential inference from this admission of a reciprocal right was, that it must be for the interest of both parties to place the exercise of it under such regulations as should provide against vexatious disputes, and be so plain and intelligible that it must be difficult for questionable points to arise in the ordinary course of executing the laws on this subject. By the present treaty of regulation, no detention under the stipulated right of search was to take place, except in the case of slaves being found actually on board. It was neces[c 2]

sary

sary that all nations should have an equal right of discovering the illicit practices carried on by the subjects of each other; and he could assure the House that it would be a great error to believe that the reproach of carrying on the slave trade illegally belonged only to other countries. In numberless instances, he was sorry to say, it had come to his knowledge, that British subjects were indirectly and largely engaged in the traffic.

In return for the advantages and concessions at length obtained, the House must of course have expected that some claim of compensation would be advanced by Spain. It would appear that the compensation which by one of these treaties Spain was to receive, amounted to 400,000l. So far was this from being the only motive on her part for acceding to the treaty, that the Spanish merchants at the Havannah had offered five times the amount for the privilege of still continuing it. On one occasion, which the House must well remember, when his majesty's ministers were pressed to disclose the state and course of the pending negotiations with Spain, he had stated that an offer had been made on the part of the British to the Spanish government, of the sum of 850,000l., together with a loan of 10,000,000l. of dollars, in consideration of an immediate abolition; and that this offer had been refused. Not a voice was then raised in parliament to disapprove of this offer as excessive or impolitic. It was undoubtedly true that his majesty's ministers felt not a

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little embarrassed in their recent negotiations with the Spanish government by the magnitude of the offer which the British government had formerly made to Spain; but these ministers had been obliged to represent to the court of Spain, that since the offer above mentioned, England had fought in the cause of the world, and that having achieved its safety, it had been rendered unable, by its efforts, to expend the sum originally proposed, and therefore that Spain must confine her claims within narrower limits. In the course of the protracted negotiation that ensued, the reduction had been made which the treaty exhibited; and if the whole of the discussion was before the House, it would appear that ministers had obtained the best terms they could.

The noble lord concluded with

moving, "That provision be made for carrying into execution the treaty between his Britanic Majesty and his Catholic Majesty, signed at Madrid the 23rd day of September 1817." And if the House should be of opinion that his motion was such as ought to be entertained, he should move for a bill or bills to be brought in pursuant to that motion; and on the House going into the committee of supply, he should move a resolution for a sum of 400,000l. in consequence of the provisions of those bills.

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Sir Gilbert Heathcote could not help regretting that a vote for so considerable a sum money should be proposed by the noble lord at such a period. He was of opinion that the 400,000l. might be much more advantageously

advantageously disposed of in this country. It would furnish the means of giving to 8,000 individuals the sum of 50l. each. He regarded it as false humanity to be thus seeking for foreign channels for the disposal of our money, however benevolent our

intention.

Mr. Wilberforce confessed his surprise at the observations of the hon. baronet; and was persuaded that the House would think that the sum of 400,000l. could not be better expended than in the way proposed. As to the proposal for granting 50l. each to 8,000 individuals in this country, the hon. baronet forgot that if the sum were not voted for the purpose under discussion, it would not be voted at all. One thing was perfectly clear, that the treaty, and with it all hope of the extinction of the slave trade, must be wholly rejected, or that it must be accepted with the pecuniary stipulation under consideration. As one most seriously interested in the abolition of the slave trade, he thought the noble lord entitled to his warmest gratitude for the efforts he had made during a long course of diplomatic attention to the subject, and for the successful issue to which he had finally brought them.

Sir James Mackintosh said, that he approved the present treaty in the highest degree, because it gave the right of mutual search, the only possible security for the execution of laws of abolition, and because parliament had already pledged itself to approve and support such measures by those successive addresses in which they had intreated the

Prince Regent to employ all the influence and resources of this country to procure universal abolition.

Mr. Bennet spoke warmly upon the conduct of France on the subject of the slave trade. He begged the House to recollect, that in about a month after the battle by which the Bourbons were placed on the throne, it was signified by the French minister to our own, that as far as France was concerned, the traffic had ceased every where, and for ever. It being discovered in this country, that it was still carried on by France with great vigour, another application was made by Sir Charles Stewart, requiring to know what steps had been taken to carry the abolition into effect. The answer was, that some colonial regulation had taken place; but it had subsequently come out in court, that no such order or regulation had ever been issued. An active trade in slaves was well known to have been carried on, to a very recent period, by French subjects. Since the delivery of Senegal to France, the trade had revived in that part of Africa, and had given rise to all those evils with which it was formerly attended. He would ask the noble lord if we were still to allow ourselves to be deluded by the French government. Was a treaty to be no security? Was there always to be some stroke of policy played off? Was there always to be some trick and subterfuge to avoid carrying the stipulations of a treaty into execution? He knew the faithlessness of the race we had put on the throne. He knew at the same

time that the person to whom they succeeded was still more faithless, and he was glad to see him where he was. Under all these circumstances, he thought some explanation was due from the noble lord as to what he trusted to, and he hoped that he would be able to give them some satisfactory answer on the subject. Lord Castlereagh could not help thinking that the language of the hon. gentleman, if a sincere wellwisher to the cause of the abolition, was not calculated to promote that object; for if any thing was more likely than another to discourage the French government from making exertions in the cause of the abolition, it was precisely such language as he had held. This he (the noble lord) could say; that no engage ment could have recorded in more explicit and comprehensive terms the abolition of the slave trade on the part of France. To his certain knowledge, the French government had immediately acted on the treaty, and sent dispatches to the different ports for the purpose of securing its execution. He could state also, that he knew the governor of the island of Bourbon had actually been displaced by the French government for allowing the crime of slavedealing in that colony. And he could also say, that whenever any information had been received by him respecting any traffic in slaves on the part of French subjects, he had transmitted it regularly to the French government, and that they had never received it other wise than with every appearance of the most anxious desire to act upon it,

After some other members had spoken on the subject, the committee divided: Ayes 56; Noes 4.

On the 11th of February, the House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, Lord Castlereagh said, that after the full discussion which this subject had undergone, he felt it quite unnecessary to make any further observations, now that he moved, in the terms of the treaty, that a sum not exceeding 400,000l. be granted to his majesty, for the purpose of carrying into execution the treaty with the Spanish government for the abolition of the slave trade.

Mr. Lyttelton said, that it was with regret he rose to offer any observations calculated to disturb the unanimity which the object of the treaty so justly obtained; but he took the opportunity, from instructions that he had received, to ask the noble lord a few questions materially connected with our commercial intercourse with Spain. And he must say, from what he was taught to believe, that this country was, as to those relations, in a state rather remote from a cordial amity with that power. The British merchants were not merely treated with severity, but with a caprice the most destructive to the continuance of a commercial intercourse. In the export of cotton goods we were met by a total prohibition. Woollens and linens, which were staples of this country, were also prohibited. The duties on iron were 110 per cent upon their actual value. If he was rightly instructed, we were not only treated with rigour, but that rigour was exercised

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without due notice. Formerly six months notice had been given of any prohibitions; now, these were suddenly made, so that it was impossible to give notice to the merchant in London so as to prevent shipments and very serious losses. That orders upon matters of commercial regulation should be explicit and clear was essential to the very existence of commerce. Let taxation be carried to any extent, but let timely notice be given of such taxation! He hoped the noble lord would feel it his duty to effect, if possible, a treaty to remove the excessive impositions on our trade, or at least to ensure due notice to our merchants. He particularly wished to know what remonstrances had been made by our government, and what answer had been returned.

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Lord Castlereagh, in reply to the question of the hon. gentleman, said that he lamented as much as any one, that the commercial principles which regulated the conduct of the Spanish government were of a nature which had now been quite ex ploded in the politics of this country, and which he hoped would not long maintain their ground in any European cabinet. At the same time we ought to show some indulgence towards that government even on this score, considering that we ourselves, not long since, had acted upon the very same mistaken principles in many of our commercial regulations. For the purpose of effecting a general im. provement in our relations with Spain, two proposals had been

made by the British cabinet; but he was sorry to say that nothing decisive had been done with res pect to them, nor could he state that any measures were in progress relative to this point. With respect to the particular branches of trade mentioned by the hon. gentleman, no man could regret more than he did, that Spain had placed such restrictions on the cotton trade; but this restriction was not a recent one. In the treaty of 1792 the admission of cottons to the Spanish market was entirely prohibited; and if since that time it had been at all permitted, it was only by an act of special indulgence, suspending the operation of that treaty. After all, Spain was not the only country that acted on the system of commercial restriction and prohibition: we ourselves were a good deal embarrassed by the restrictions of our own regulations in that matter. With respect to the system of the Spanish government, it had produced such effects in so many cases, that the strongest remonstrances had been found necessary. These in many cases had been effectual; in other instances the evil had been diminished, though not entirely remedied; and in several instances they had been hitherto quite unsuccessful. It was to be hoped, however, that as those mistaken notions of commercial regulations were gradually abandoned by other nations, the time was near at hand when they would cease to be prevalent in Spain.

Some other gentlemen joined in the debate, but at length the resolution was agreed to.

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