Genoa to give up the government to the person commissioned by the King of Sardinia to receive it, and to consider his corps as auxiliary to that sovereign. With respect to this disposition, the following extract from a dispatch of Lord Castlereagh to Colonel Dalrymple, commander of the British troops at Genoa, has been published as by authority:-"I exceedingly regret, as well as do all the ministers, the not being able to preserve to Genoa a separate existence without the risk of weakening the system adopted for Italy, and consequently exposing its safety; but we are persuaded that by the mode adopted we have provided much more strongly for the future tranquillity of Genoa, and the prosperity of her commerce. The generous dispositions of the king of Sardinia, whose ardent desire it is to fulfil as much as possible the wishes of the Genoese, will be to them the most certain pledge of their being placed under the protection of a paternal and liberal government. I have no doubt, that under these circumstances, the Genoese of every class will receive this decision as a benefit, and will conform with pleasure to arrangements which conciliate their own interests with those of the rest of Europe."

Thus has another state been transferred to a new master without considering its consent as in the least necessary to the validity of such an act; and from these examples, a conclusion may be formed of the nature of that principle, which is to regulate the decisions of that congress which bas so long held all Europe in a state of anxious expectation.

The annexation of all the other districts in the North of Italy to the Austrian dominion appears to have been a further measure equally determined upon in the councils of the allied powers before they assembled in congress. In an article of intelligence from Venice, we are told that the Emperor, by a note in his own hand-writing, dated May 13th, informed the Grand Chancellor of Bohemia, that the union of all Lombardy, and the x-Venetian states, to the Austrian monarchy had been definitively settled; which important news was immediately communicated to the prince of Reuss Plauen, civil and military governor for the Emperor in Italy.

From Milan, the principal seat of the imperial government in Lombardy, accounts have occasionally been transmitted, of disorders which, though perhaps exaggerated, sufficiently denote the existence of discontents in that quarter; and indeed, it is well known, that the principle of political independence has many zealous advocates in those parts of Italy, which from ancient times have been accustomed to local and popular authorities, and have always regarded as an usurpation the yoke of foreign dominion, A proof of the jealousy entertained on this head was given by the publication of a decree, in consequence of orders from the Austrian court to the provisional regency of Milan, rigorously prohibiting all secret societies, such as lodges of free masons, and other associations, whose objects are not precisely known, and whose discipline and proceedings are enveloped in mystery.

The

The final termination of the ancient republic of Venice, so long the mistress of the Adriatic, in a maritime dependency of Austria, may be concluded from the Emperor's reply to an address presented by a Venetian deputation, as published in the Court Gazette of Vienna, August 27th. "When Venice (says his imperial Majesty) in consequence of the political events which shook Europe, was united to my empire, this state preserved, under my government, the same spirit of order which, in former times, had been the basis of its republican constitution. The unhappy situation of the world at that epoch necessarily impeded the measures and the activity of all governments. These disastrous times are passed. I now find you such as I left you, and no obstacle can interpose to prevent the execution of the plans I have formed for your happiness. Your provinces will always be one of the brightest gems in my crown. They shall recover their ancient prosperity: commerce, re suming its rights, shall be restored to its former channels: the industry of a good people shall be supported and encouraged by inild and protecting laws: Venice shall regain her rank among the first cities in the world." How far this Jast prediction can be verified under an arbitrary monarchy, futurity must determine. The last accounts from Venice certainly afford little hope of such a favourable change. They assert that the commerce of the city is almost annihilated, scarcely any vessels now clearing from its port, or from those on the coast of the Adriatic. But this may in part

be attributed to the present unsettled state of Europe.

no

Near the close of the year a measure was adopted by the Austrian government in Italy, which may be understood as clearly denoting suspicions prevalent with respect to the attachment of the natives. "The decision (says an article from Milan) which has been long expected, and which endeavours were made to avert by very humble representations, has at length appeared. The Italian regiments, in consequence of an order from the Emperor of Austria, must quit their country, and march to do duty in the Austrian provinces. This news was sooner known to be authentic, than it struck families with alarm, and increased desertion still more.' The article concludes with a proclamation from Baron Suden, the military governor of Brescia, informing all the corps of his brigade of the Emperor's determination to quarter them in Germany, and calling upon the men to observe strict discipline, and to "detest that shameful desertion of which too many of their comrades have been guilty." The places of the Italian regiments sent beyond the Alps were supplied by Austrian troops, which were continually arriving in the provinces of Italy held by the emperor.

Of all the present sharers in the dominion of Italy, the king of Naples, Joachim, is apparently placed in the most critical and uneasy situation. A mere soldier of fortune, with no other title than his sword, he cannot but be regarded by the regular and hereditary sovereigns of Europe as an intruder into their dignity, and a

remaining

remaining exception to that principle of return to the ancient order of things which governs the political movements of the time. Closely bordered on one side by a perpetual competitor for his dominions in the King of the Two Sicilies, and on the other by the head of the Catholic religion, from whom he withholds part of the patrimony of the church, and both of whom have powerful supporters, he is obliged to exercise constant vigilance against the attempts of force or policy. In this situation, his sole reliance must be on the attachment of his subjects; and he appears not to have been inattentive to the means of acquiring this advantage afforded him by the notorious defects of the former Neapolitan government. The Council of State and the Court of Cassation having waited on him upon the 8th of May, he made an address to the former, in which he said, "The independence of our country is ensured: I propose to ensure its prosperity also, by a constitution, which shall be at the same time a safeguard to the throne, and to the subject. The bases of it shall be fixed agreeably to the opinions of the most enlightened statesmen of the kingdom." He repeated the same sentiments to the Court of Cassation; adding, doubtless to inspire confidence, "There are no sacrifices, no efforts, which I have not made to ensure the independence of the Neapolitans; it is henceforth guaranteed by the peace of Europe, and by my relations with the sovereigns with whom I am in alliance.". At the same time there was published at Ancona an Order of the Day

constituting, for the present, the banks of the Metauro the separation of the countries occupied by the Neapolitan army, from the dominions of the Pope.

In August it was announced from Rome, that the Neapolitans still keep possession of the marquisate of Ancona, Macerata, and Ferrara; and that the benefits of the revolution in the affairs of Europe are not felt there, the priests being imprisoned, respectable persons ill treated, and their property confiscated. Joachim, indeed, was not one of the sovereigns from whom a restoration of the church to its former splendour was to be expected. In order probably to free himself from objects of suspicion, the king issued a decree relative to strangers, in consequence of which more than a thousand foreigners in employment quitted the country, and 500 petitions for naturalization were presented to the government, which was directed to examine them with the most scrupulous attention. The Neapolitans are said to have been much gratified with this measure, Some partisans of the old government were arrested, who were, doubtless, the persons alluded to in the article from Rome. The official journal of Naples at this time mentioned the arrival of a prince Moliterno at Rome, who, not being able to obtain a passport for Naples, had established himself at that capital, in order to foment intrigues in the Neapolitan kingdom. For this purpose he had associated to himself a few restless spirits, whom he had made the agents of a conspiracy directed against the Marche of Ancona and the Abruzzos.

The journal treats these machinations with great contempt; we learn, however, soon after, that the army of Naples had been raised to its full complement of 50,000 men, corps of which were daily reviewed by his Majesty. The military division of Naples, on September 1st, presented a very loyal address to king Joachim, in which they affirm the sentiments of the army to be "eternal attachment to his Majesty and his dynasty, entire obedience to his orders, and inviolable fidelity to his throne;" and they pledge their lives to his service, after the example of all their brothers in arms who have had the honour of serving under him. That he might not appear indifferent to those devotional feelings which, in the midst of the grossest licentiousness, the Neapolitans are so fond of indulging, Joachim and bis queen, with all the royal family, paid a visit in great cereto the sanctuary of the Virgin, called the Foot of the Grotto, and displayed all the usual marks of piety on the occasion.

About the close of September, Neapolitan troops were continually arriving at Ancona by sea and land. Nothing could now be of greater importance to Joachim than to secure the friendship of the Emperor of Austria, with whom their co-operation before the termination of the war had connected him more intimately than with any other power. The Duke of Rocca-Romana, his Master of the Horse, having been sent on a mission to that emperor, arrived at Portici on October 29th, on his return, bringing with him a ratification of the treaty of alli

ance between the two powers, together with assurances of the Emperor's constant friendship, and his unalterable disposition to support by all the means in his power the interests of his ally, and the tranquillity of Italy. The accounts from Naples in the remainder of the year relate dubious movements of the troops towards the territories of the church. The last, dated from Fundi, December 4th, mentions that the corps of reserve, organised at Naples and Benevento, and 20,000 strong, was put in motion, and that the advanced guard was expected on the next day in Fundi. Also, that the two divisions of Macdonald which had returned to the Abruzzos, had been ordered to advance; and the three divisions of Campana which occupied the Marche of Ancona, had been directed to hold themselves in readiness. It was supposed that the king in person would set out on January 1st. In this increasing state of preparation, of which, however, no distinct object was assigned, the year

closed.

The island of Sicily, which the circumstances of the war had so long almost converted into an English garrison, naturally returned to its pristine condition after the peace; and in the beginning of July, it was announced from Palermo, that his Majesty Ferdinand III. had resumed the reins of government, and that every thing was changed in the ministry and administration. On the 18th of that month, the Sicilian parliament was opened in great state by the king in person, and a speech in his name was read to the assembled houses. It is chiefly observable from the notice

taken

taken in it of the constitution. "Henceforth (the king is made to say) Sicily has a written constitution, destined to establish order in the movements of power, that they be not thrown into confusion; to assign limits to the various political functions, that they do not invade each other; to fix the grand point where private rights and public wants should meet; to protect civil liberty, and the full and entire security of persons and property. Destined henceforth to lay the foundation of the prosperity and welfare of the Sicilians; modelled after that of a great and elevated nation, which has given and continues daily to give proofs of its wealth, its power, and magnanimity, this constitution has always been the object of my affectionate and paternal sentiments." The speech proceeds to remark, that this constitution, however, has not hitherto fully answered to the general expectation, which is imputed to the effects of war, and the convulsions usually occasioned by great and sudden changes. After expressing a hope of future unanimity, it gives a summary view of the business which is to occupy the present attention of the parliament, of which the most urgent is stated to be providing for the payment of the public debt. It concludes with a compliment to his august ally, the king of Great Britain, and to Lord William Bentinck, as captain-general of the united forces.

An unfortunate proof of the yet unsettled state of the Sicilian constitution appeared in the disputes which immediately occurred respecting the elections of deputies; and the representatives of

Palermo, Messina, Catania, Syracuse, and several other towns, were excluded, as having been unconstitutionally chosen. New elections were therefore ordered, and the parliament was adjourned, or rather closed, on the 23d. This was probably a manœuvre of party; for we are informed that after the dismission of the parlia ment, great discontents prevailed, the government appeared in open opposition to the English, and persons who had obtained offices through English influence were every day dismissed, and some of them arrested!

The sentiments of the Sicilian court with respect to the possessor of its former continental dominions were explicitly expressed, by an order communicated in October from the commandant of the district of Messina to the commander of the Neapolitan troops in Calabria, importing that upon no pretext whatever, should any vessel bearing the flag of king Joachim be admitted into the ports and on the coasts of Sicily.

We are destitute of regular reports of the public proceedings in this island; but an account from Palermo, dated November 10th, mentions that the parliament-was then continuing its sittings; and that it had passed a decree recognising as a national debt, the loan negociated with Great Britain by the princes of Castelnovo and Bonano, but without meaning to authorise the illegal conduct of those ministers, who, by contracting this debt without the consent of the parliament, had violated its constitutional privileges. If that body manifested a vigorous character in this point, it gave a proof

of