notice only such circumstances relative to the new plan of administration established in that country, as serve to elucidate the temper of the nation, and to afford a presage of what may be expected as the future result of the great changes in its condition, which the present year has witnessed. But before we return to the course of events, it may be useful to premise such a general view of the feelings and dispositions of the different parties in France at this period, as may be derived from the relations of intelligent ob servers. It is one of the baneful consequences of a long-continued state of warfare, that a large portion of the population of a country has acquired habits of living and modes of thinking very adverse to a state of peace. The military life, notwithstanding all its hardships, by its varied scenes and licentious indulgences seldom fails to prove alluring to the youthful mind in the lower ranks of society; whilst in the higher, a great number are professionally devoted to it, whose sole hopes of future advancement depend upon the subsisting demand for their services. Modern armies are so numerous, that a long war cannot be maintained without rendering the military class entirely disproportioned to the general mass composing a state; and the greater the necessity for keeping up its numbers, the more consequence will be attached to it. If this circumstance coincides with a national spirit naturally martial and unquiet, it may happen that an aversion to resume the pacific character shall become almost the ruling passion of a people. Now, modern history scarcely affords an instance in which these causes of a fondness for war have concurred more efficaciously than in France, which, from the period of its revolution, had almost continually been involved in hostilities, domestic or foreign; and which, during many years, had submitted to the despotic rule of a man of unbounded ambition, and of talents peculiarly adapted to military enterprize. The astonishing success attending his schemes of aggrandisement, had raised the power and glory of the nation to a height greatly beyond that of its proudest days; and the armies which he led into the field surpassed in magnitude those of any period in French history. It is true, his gigantic plans had lately wrought their own subversion, and he had been the author of a more extensive and tragical waste of lives to his own troops, than can be paralleled in modern times. Still, however, a great mass of past glory adhered to his name, and his admirers could find excuses for his failures, in unforeseen circumstances, and in that desertion by former allies which they denominated perfidy. To this they attributed his final miscarriage; and resentment for his supposed wrongs took place in their feelings, of blame for his rashness, or abhorrence of his tyranny. Further, the pride of the nation spurned the idea of being conquered; and to escape from it, they willingly cherished the notion, that if treachery had not prevented Napoleon from executing his plan of operations, he would have compelled the allied armies to retreat with disgrace from the French territory. As soon, therefore as the joy of present relief from danger had subsided, there broke out a spirit of discontent, which manifested itself in animosity against the allies, and disaffection to a new government considered as imposed on the nation by foreign arms; with which, in the numerous military class, was joined an impatient desire of resuming their arms, and frequent tokens of remaining or returning attachment to their late emperor. The party thus formed was strong and audacious in the capital, and in some of the departments; and it required all the prudence and vigilance of the government to prevent its breaking out in acts of mischief. The bulk of the people, how ever, was probably well inclined to admit the prospect of returning -quiet and prosperity, and of being freed from the grievous burdens to which they had been subjected, and especially from the dreadful yoke of military conscription. The change from a severe despotism, to a limited monarchy, may also be supposed to have been grateful to all whose public principles had not been utterly debased by long habits of servitude. But in the discussions respecting the constitution, two opposite parties soon declared themselves; which were in effect, the same as those which attend every system of mixed government, and of which one inclines to the monarchical, and the other to the popular side. To the first of these naturally belonged all the loyal emigrants who followed the fortune of the Bourbons, and returned with them into their own country. Educated in sentiments of the profoundest respect for the royal authority, and the doctrine of hereditary right, they were disposed to consider the restoration of the ancient royal family, as implying that of the whole power vested in the crown of France. The other party was composed of those who had held any share in the different systems of republican government, during the revolutionary period, or whom the dread and hatred of experienced tyranny had convinced of the necessity of setting bounds to arbitrary exertions of authority. Both of these parties apparently coalesced in the idea of a limited monarchy, as the only form of government adapted to the present circumstances of the time and country; but it is well known from other examples, that wide differences may exist nature and extent of the limi̟tation. as to the The liberty of the press was one of the topics upon which a diversity of sentiments was the soonest manifested; and different speakers in the chamber of deputies had made motions relative to it, when, on July 5th, the Abbé de Montesquiou, and the Count de Blacas, were introduced to that assembly to present by the king's order, the plan of a law on the Publication of Works. It was prefaced by a speech from the former, in which, after some of the usual observations on the advantages, on the one hand, resulting from a free communication of opinions, and the dangers, on the other, attending the abuse‹ such a liberty, he touched upou the particular circumstances of the present period, and the national character, in which were com prised a vivacity, a mobility of imagination, which required restraint;" and he concluded with saying, that the king proposed nothing to them which did not appear to him absolutely necessary to the safety of the national institutions, and the administration of government. The following were the most important provisions of the law. Every work of more than thirty sheets to be published freely, and without censorial revision; and the same latitude to be given to works in the dead and the foreign languages, prayer books, catechisms, episcopal charges, law reports, and works of scientific societies, established by royal authority. With regard to writings of less bulk, the director-general of the press, or prefects in the departments, may require their previous communication. Such works to be examined by censors named by the king, and if thought by them defamatory, dangerous to the public peace, or immoral, their printing may be forbid by the director-general. A committee of three members of each house, with three commissioners appointed by the king, to be formed in each session, to whom such suppressions shall be communicated, with the opinions of the censors; and if their reasons shall appear insufficient, the committee may order the printing. Journals and periodical writings not to appear without the king's authority. The author and printer of a work may, if they choose, require its previous examination, and if it be approved, they are discharged from all responsibility, except with respect to injuries of individuals. No person to be a printer or bookseller without the king's license, and taking the proper oaths; and the license may be withdrawn on violation of the regulations. Clandestine printing establishments to be destroyed, and the proprietors to be subject to fine and imprisonment. No work to be published without notice to the director-general or the prefect of the department,' under a fine for neglect. The omission of the printer's name, or substitution of a false name, to be punished by fine. This law to be revised after three years. It was not to be expected, that a plan so restrictive of the effectual liberty of the press should be received with general concurrence; accordingly we find, from the report of a committee of the chamber of deputies appointed to examine it, delivered on August 1st, by M. Raynouard, that it incurred very serious opposition in that house. The committee was unanimous in declaring, that the plan of the law as proposed could not be adopted without some modifications; and it was resolved by a majority, that previous censorship ought not to serve as the basis of the law. The speech of that member on the occasion was long, and though calm, strongly reasoned; and arguments were particularly adduced to prove, that such censorship was incompatible with the freedom of the press, and a violation of the constitution. The report was ordered to be printed. Such was the public curiosity respecting the debate on the subject, which was to take place in the chamber of deputies on August 5th, that it gave rise to a scene highly characteristic of the nation. A yast crowd, in 20 sheets, and that the operation of the law should be limited to the end of the session of 1816. which a number of elegant females were conspicuous, had pressed into the house, notwithstanding all the efforts of the sentinels, whose bayonets had no terrors for these ladies, and every part was filled; when, instead of the order of the day, the president ordered the regulation to be read, directing that "no stranger shall, on any pretext, introduce himself into the body of the house, where the members sit." The president then ordered all the strangers within the enclosure to withdraw, declaring that otherwise he must adjourn the house to the next day. In consequence, a few of the upper seats were cleared; but in the other parts of the hall no regard whatever being paid to the injunction, the president declared the sitting at an end. This incident was not likely to produce an effect favourable to any proposal for enlarging popular freedom. were The law underwent considerable discussion in the chamber of peers, and various amendments made. In the meantime the public attention to the subject was kept alive by some prosecutions of libels; and it was not till October 21st, that the law was sanctioned and published by a royal decree. Its provisions were not materially different from those in the abstract above given. The previous censorship of works under 20 sheets was fully established. The regulations respecting clandestine or illegal printing, were rendered more precise and severe. By three ordinances of subsequent dates, various appointments were made for carrying the law into effect, the censors were nominated, of whom 19 were termed ordinary, and 22 honorary. The general direction of the bookselling trade was placed under the Chancellor of France. At the meeting on the following day, care had been taken to preserve due order, and speeches were made on each side of the question relative to the censorship, which were directed to be printed. The debate was resumed on the 8th, and was continued on the three succeeding days. At length, M. Raynouard having been heard against the law, and the Abbé de Montesquiou in its favour, the question was put by ballot, when there appeared for the law 137 balls, against it 80, upon which the president pronounced, "The Chamber adopts the law." It is to be observed that M. Montesquiou had made the concession on the part of the king, that the censorship should not apply to any work exceeding It appears as if some particular law had been made relative to journals and periodical papers; for the Chancellor, alluding to such a law in an edict of October 29th, directs that no such paper shall be published at Paris after Nov. 1st, and in the departments after Dec. 1st ensuing, without the authorization prescribed in the law; and that such authorization shall be granted, and may be withdrawn, for the daily journals of Paris, by the Director-general of the Police, and for all other parts, by the Director-general of bookselling. Every English reader will feel the great importance of a restrictive power in the officers of government government over publications of this class. On July 3d, two of the King's ministers having been introduced to the chamber of deputies, laid before that body a statement of the condition in which the kingdom was found by his Majesty on his taking the reins of government. It was the object of this important paper to show how much the nation had suffered from the insane projects of its late ruler; to lay open all the deceptions which had been practised to conceal the real state of affairs; and to give a strong impression of the difficulties which the new administration had to encounter, and the exertions requisite to remedy the public evils, and restore order and prosperity. The Abbé de Montesquiou introduced his exposé by some observations on the prodigious loss of men occasioned by the warlike enterprizes of the late government, and stated the amount of the calls made since the end of the Russian campaign, at 1,300,000, of which, however, the last levies fortunately had not been made. Hence might be estimated the amazing destruction incurred by these wars; and although it appeared in some measure to be counteracted by an increase of births, this had been in part occasioned by the number of improper marriages, which had been contracted to avoid the conscriptions, as was proved by an increased population under the age of 20 years, whilst that of the superior ages was extremely diminished. Proceeding to particulars, it was observed that agriculture had made a real progress in France, which had commenced before the Revolution, but had been much accelerated by new causes since that epoch. Faults of the government had however impeded the operation of these causes. The continental system had been ruinous to the vineyards in different parts; and the forced attempts to introduce the Merino breed of sheep, had rather tended to the deterioration than the improvement of the flocks. The establishment of studs had been more successful, but the late wars had occasioned the loss of 230,000 horses. A sensible increase had taken place in the working of mines, of which, in all the different kinds, there were now 478 wrought in the French territory. Manufactures had greatly suffered from the obstacles to the importa. tion of raw materials, and the impediments to foreign demand. At Lyons, the looms, of which in 1787 there were 15,000, were reduced in the late war to 8000; and the other branches of manufacture had experienced a similar declension. Commerce had been reduced to narrow speculations with small gains; and the system of licences had proved the ruin of a great number of merchants, by raising hopes that were destroyed by the same will which had fostered them. The next head of the statement referred to the administration of the interior, under which were a variety of details, shewing the augmentation of burdens, to which the departments had been subjected, and the diversion of funds from their proper objects. The wretched state of the hospitals. was particularly noticed; and it was stated that the war department was indebted to those of Paris for sick and wounded sol |