cal existence. Of the other articles, one is particularly honourable to Captain Hillyar, of the British navy, to whose endeavours the restoration of peace is said to have been in great measure owing. This convention was publicly made known at St. Jago de Chili on May 5th. It appears from the terms that the government of Lima at the same time entered into friendship with that of Chili.

An attempt to effect a pacification between Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, made about the same time by Vigodet, the Spanish governor of the former place, proved abortive. It began with a proposal similar to that which formed the basis of the Chilese negociation, namely, the acknowledgment by Buenos Ayres and its dependencies of the Spanish monarchy under Ferdinand, and the constitution sanctioned by the Cortes. This article was followed by another, importing, that from the period of the ratification of the treaty, no other authorities should be acknowledged than those designated by the constitution, and which have been appointed by the regency of the kingdom. In an address from De Posadas, to whom, under the title of supreme director, the government of Buenos Ayres had been delegated, these conditions were denominated an unjust and igno minious submission, with which he could never comply. Montevideo being still closely blockaded by land, the governor made an attempt to free its harbour, by sendng out, on May 14th, a squadron, consisting of four corvettes, three brigs, and some smaller vessels, to attack the squadron of Buenos Ayres under the command of

Guillermo Brown, an Englishman. The event, however, did not correspond with the governor's expectations. Brown, by able maneeuvres, drew the Montevidean's to some distance from their port,' and then becoming the assailant, captured two of the corvettes and a brig; another brig was afterwards intercepted in its' retreat and taken, and two smaller vessels were burnt. Five hundred prisoners were made on the occasion. Vigodet, on the next day, made proposals for a cessation of hostilities, but was informed that no conditions would be listened to, until Montevideo, with all its shipping and public property, was delivered up to the arms of Buenos Ayres. The contest was at length terminated by the capitulation of that city on June 20th, after its inhabitants had been reduced to great misery from famine, and no hopes remained of succour from the mother country. The terms were, that the garrison, after marching out with all the honours of war, should remain prisoners, that the property of individuals should be respected, no one molested for political opinions, deserters pardoned, and no extraordinary contributions levied, and in the ordinary contributions, Montevideo should be considered in the same light as the other towns of the province; also, that the captain-general Vigodet should be allowed to depart for Spain. Large quantities of arms, artillery, military and naval stores, fell into the hands of the victors; and this success was considered as decisive in favour of the independent in

terest.

This advantage, however, appears to have been more than

coun

terbalanced by the course of events in the Caraccas. It is related, that the contending parties having for some time been collecting their whole strength for deciding the fate of the province of Venezuela, a dreadful engagement, ensued on June 18th in the vallies of Arazua, in which the royalists obtained a complete victory. No quarter was given, and several thousands of the vanquished were slain. The insurgents, who were in possession of the city of Caraccas, dismayed at the intelligence, sent deputies to solicit terms of peace, who were, ordered back without hopes of mercy. They then separated, and sought safety in flight, and the royalists entered the city on July 7th. The insurgent chiefs, with a few followers, took to the mountains, pursued by some light detachments; whilst a considerable body of royalists repaired to La Guayra, whither many of the inhabitants of Caraccas had removed with their portable property. Of these, about 500 escaped to the neighbouring islands, but with great loss of effects, in which the British traders partook, the shipping sent for their conveyance not arriving at La Guayra till after the entrance of the conquering party.

Later intelligence from the river Plate mentions that the general of the Buenos Ayres forces, Don Carlos de Alvear, having intercepted a letter from Otorgues, commander of a body of more than a thousand horse, exhorting the late garrison of Montevideo to rise and join him, put himself at the head of some infantry and cavalry, and on June 25th routed the force of Otorgues. Also, that

Vigodet, on the day after the surrender, published a proclamation to the inhabitants and garrison of Montevideo, acquainting them that he had capitulated on terms much more advantageous than those stated by the victors, and that they were guaranteed by Great Britain. Refusing, in consequence, to ratify the capitulation published, he was arrested on board the Buenos Ayres flag ship, and was afterwards sent to Rio Janeiro, from which place he sailed for Cadiz. Both parties accused each other of breach of faith, but the government of Buenos Ayres remained in quiet possession of its conquest. Letters to the 18th of September speak of great exertions made by that government to terminate the calamities of war, and re-establish commerce. Two deputies had been nominated to proceed to Spain, and congratulate Ferdinand VII on his accession; and they were said to have received instructions for conceding the supremacy of the mother country, on the condition of confining civil and military appointments to the colonists in their own country, with the privilege of taxing themselves, and free commerce and navigation with all the world.

An extraordinary gazette was published at Madrid in December, containing a dispatch from the Viceroy of Mexico, dated June 16th. It begins with mentioning, that the communications with Vera Cruz being still interrupted by the causes he had before stated, this dispatch is sent by the indirect route of the coast. He then announces the recapture of the fortress of Acapulco, and the destruction of the last entrenchment held by the rebel priest Morelos; for the details of

which he refers to enclosed gazettes. In those, also, (the Viceroy says) will be seen the rapid progress made by his Majesty's arms in the Mexican provinces, in which the insurgents have been beaten at all points, except at the lagoon of Chapala in New Gallicia, where, from the strength of their position, they obtained advantages over the division opposed to them. On this account, it had been necessary to order the commandant of that province to collect all his troops, and make a fresh attack on the fortified isle where the rebels were entrenched. Nothing new had occurred in the other provinces of the viceroyalty, in which the chiefs were labour. ing to dissipate the remains of the great assemblages that wander about on every side, intercepting the roads, and preventing every kind of commerce. This authorized account of the state of affairs was not thought extremely favourable by persons who were aware of the varnish usually bestowed on government narratives. On the other hand, a report which came from New Orleans with the date of September 23d, and the title of "Independence of New Mexico," has probably as little claim to implicit credit. It stated, that a vessel from Vera Cruz was then in the river, which brought the information, that as soon as Ferdinand's refusal to accept the constitution framed by the Cortes was known in the kingdom of Mexico, all parties united, the new viceroy was deposed, and independence was proclaimed at Mexico, Vera Cruz, and the other cities of that government. If the principle of loyalty in New Spain, resembles

what it has shown itself in the Old, it will not be staggered by the resumption of the ancient prerogatives of the monarchy. Meantime we may be assured that Ferdinand's government will not act upon the system of recovering the colonies by indulgences, which, would compromise the authority of the crown, and of the mother, country. Already has the Council of the Indies been re-established, and an expedition has long been preparing for the river Plate, for the purpose of compelling submission by force of arms.

In the West India islands, the principal object of interest during this year has been the island of St. Domingo, or the modern Hayti. It is well known, that the French colony of St. Domingo, previously to the revolution, was the most valuable commercial possession of France, and that its loss was the cause of very great public and private distress. Its recovery was entirely hopeless, while the seas were closed by the predominance of the British naval power; but as soon as the return or peace had removed this obstacle, it appears that the French nation and government began to entertain serious thoughts of attempting to regain so valuable a possession. This, however, was become an undertaking of great difficulty.

The two black chiefs of the island, Christophe and Petion, though they had been engaged in almost constant hostilities with each other, seem to have been animated with an equal zeal for maintaining the independence of the negro state; and although M. Desforneaux, in reporting the sentiments of a committee appointed

by

An

by the body of French representatives, to consider the dictates of policy on this subject, confidently expressed an opinion, that these chiefs would with eagerness recognize the sovereignty of Louis XVIII. and submit to his will, events have hitherto entirely contradicted this expectation. extract of a dispatch from the minister secretary of state for foreign affairs to Christophe, now entitling himself Henry king of Hayti, addressed to M. Peltier, London, and dated June 10th, the 11th year of independence, was published in September, giving an account of the feelings of his sovereign on being informed of the fall of Buonaparte, and of the preparations he had been making for the defence of his kingdom. In this paper a declaration is made of the king of Hayti's readiness to receive French merchant ships in his ports, upon the same footing as those of other nations; but it is clearly specified, that he means to treat with France only as one independent power with another. A private letter from Port au Prince, the seat of Petion's power, dated August 1st, mentions the determination of that leader also to submit to every extremity rather than yield to an invader.

It might have been previously mentioned, that the King of Hayti commenced the year with a Fete of Independence, in which all the pomp and circumstance that could attend a festival celebrated by the greatest monarch in the world was closely imitated, and a royal speech was pronounced, in a style exhibiting a curious mixture of oriental inflation and French gasconade. The

titles of his nobility and officers of state, and the etiquette of his court, were all copied from European examples; and the whole afforded a kind of burlesque of royalty, which might induce a suspicion, that the business would terminate rather in farce than tragedy, were not desperate resolution compatible with ostentatious levity in half-savage characters.

On Aug. 15th, there was published in the Royal Gazette of Hayti, an address to the people, stating the circumstances in which the country was placed by the deposition of Buonaparte. It professed a willingness to negociate a treaty of commerce with the king of France, but in the most energetic terms called upon the Haytians to make every exertion in defence of their liberty and independence, were arms employed against them. One of its paragraphs was as follows: "should certain colonists, our implacable enemies, still persist in their chimerical projects, and succeed in prevailing upon the actual goverument of France to carry on war against us, let them place themselves at the head of the invaders: they shall be the first victims of our vengeance! We shall give no quarter-we shall take no prisoners: we desire to be treated in the same way ourselves, and the war must become a war of extermination." On October 2d, was published a manifesto of King Henry, giving a detailed narrative of the events which had produced and accompanied the independence of Hayti, and expressing a firm resolution to maintain it. This piece was evidently the composition of a practised pen,

and

and in strength and clearness might vie with any manifesto of an European sovereign. It concluded with the solemn declaration, that he would never consent to any treaty, or any condition, that should compromise the honour, the liberty, and the inde. pendence of the Haytian people.

He

It was not, however, by arms, that the first attempt was made to restore Hayti to the dominion of France. A French general, named D'Anxion Lavaysse, and bearing the character of an envoy from Louis XVIII, addressed from Kingston in Jamaica, on October 1st, a letter "to Gen. Henry Christophe, supreme Head of the government of the North of Hayti," in which, at considerable length, he placed before him every argument to induce him to proclaim the king of France. endeavoured to shew him, that it was his personal interest rather to become an illustrious servant of the great sovereign of the French, than a chief of revolted slaves." Like the generality of his countrymen in their diplomatic functions, he did not scruple to employ falsehood to gain his point; and the following passage of his letter is worthy of notice. "Do not deceive yourself, General,— Sovereigns of Europe, although they have made peace, have not returned thesword into the scabbard. Doubtless, you are not ignorant of what every body in Europe knows, although a thing not yet diplomatically published that the principal articles of the compact which all the European sovereigns have just signed, on their royal honour, is to unite their armies, if need be, and to lend each other all ne

the

cessary aid, in order to destroy all the governments which have been the offspring of the French revolution, whether in Europe, or in the New World. Know also, that it is Great Britain, who is the centre of and principal party to this convention, to which, a few months sooner or later, every government will find it necessary to submit:

: every government and every potentate that shall refuse so to submit, must expect to be treated as traitors and brigands." That this assertion, as it respects England, is a gross falsehood, we presume, is undeniable; and it may be hoped, that it is not less so with respect to the other powers.

It was with true magnanimity, that King Henry, convoking an extraordinary council of the nation, laid before them this document, together with the pamphlet of one H. Henry, printed at Jamaica, desiring them calmly to deliberate on their contents, and form such resolutions as they should deem necessary for the welfare of the country. This confidence was repaid by an address to the King, in the warmest language of patriotic devotion. It adds, "No, never shall this execrable enterprize (against Hayti) take place. There is honour, there is a sense glory, among the sovereigns and people of Europe; and Great Britain, that Liberator of the World, will prevent such an abomination."

of

Lavaysse made an application of a similar purpose, though in ambiguous language, to Petion, and on Oct. 21st, he was suffered to land at Port au Prince, that he might explain in person the proposals of which he was the bearer. On his arrival he fell dangerously