movements threatening to cut off the enemy's retreat on Parma, they evacuated Reggio, and retreated behind the Enza. On March 9th, an English, fleet of 45 transports convoyed by two ships of the line, and some frigates, which sailed from Palermo, entered the port of Leghorn, and disembarked a body of 8,000 men. Lord Bentinck, who arrived from Naples, issued a proclamation to the Italians, in which he stated the purpose of Great Britain to be the effecting of their deliverance from tyranny, and called upon them to unite in the same cause. The events which had taken place at Paris, were still unknown on the right bank of the Po, near the middle of April. On the 12th of that month, the king of Naples forced the passage of the Taro, and pursued the enemy as far as Firenzuola. On the following day he renewed his attack, and threw a bridge over the Sacca, in which operation he was vigorously opposed, but without preventing its execution. The Neapolitan army then advanced within a league of Placentia. Considerable loss was sustained on both sides in these actions, which, like those at Toulouse, may be reckoned among the useless expenses of the war. All further military operations were closed by the armistice, concluded on the 16th, between the viceroy and the commanders of the allied forces. By this convention, the French troops were to cross the Alps, and the Italian troops to continue to Occupy all that portion of the kingdom of Italy, which had not yet been possessed by the forces of the allies. The important city VOL. LVI.

1

of Genoa in the meantime had been the object of the expedition from Sicily, under the command of lord W. Bentinck, of the success of which, detailed in the London gazette, the following is a summary. After the occupation of Spezia, his lordship, having been informed that there were only 2,000 troops in Genoa, determined to make a rapid advance upon that city, in order to gain possession of it, whilst yet in a defenceless state. On his arrival at Sestri, he found that the garrison had been reinforced to between 5 and 6,000 men; he however determined to proceed, and the enemy was gradually dislodged from the strong intervening country. On April 16th, dispositions were made for attacking the enemy, who had taken a very strong position before Genoa, extending from forts Richelieu and Tecla by the village of St. Martino to the sea, through a country thickly covered with country houses, only communicating with each other by narrow lanes between high walls. The attack began at, daybreak on the 17th, and the Italian troops with the Calabrese and Greeks obtained possession of the two forts. The attacks on the enemy's right were made by Major-general Montresor's division, supported by that of Lieut.gen. Macfarlane. The defence was long maintained through favour of the intersected nature of the ground, but at length the enemy was turned, and obliged to retire precipitately into the town. At noon the army took a position in front of the most assailable part of the city, and on the same day sir Edw. Pelley's squadron of [D]

men

men of war anchored in front of Nervi. In the evening a deputation of the inhabitants arrived with a request that his lordship would not bombard the town, and desiring a suspension of arms for a few days, as by the accounts from France it was probable that peace must soon follow. The reply was, that these were arguments to use with the French general, who ought to abandon a place which he could not defend; and on the next day, after several communications, a convention was signed, by which Genoa was to be evacuated by the French troops, and to be taken possession of by the combined English and Sicilian army, and three ships of war were to enter the harbour. The magazines and property of the French -government were to be placed under the seals of the British government, and every thing belonging to the French marine, to be delivered to the British navy. The losses on either side in making this acquisition were not considerable.

The military occurrences in Spain during this year have been of little importance. The greatest part of their country being freed from their invaders by foreign aid, the Spaniards appear to have been content to wait for the course of decisive events to effect their total liberation, whilst the French were reduced to a merely defensive part, with forces continually diminishing by drains for service at home. The civil affairs of Spain will make a very interesting chapter; but at present, we shall confine ourselves to those which were previous to the resumption of monarchical government.

On the 5th of January, the Regency and Cortes removed to Madrid, where they were received with all the solemnity due to the national representation and go-* vernment. The Cortes commenced its session on Jan. 15th, and on the 17th were waited upon by general Villacampa, governor of Madrid, accompanied by his staff. In a subsequent sitting they were informed by the Regency, that the emperor of Austria had sent an envoy with a note, in which he expressed a desire for the re-establishment of the ancient relations between the two countries. About the beginning of the year, Napoleon, sensible that Spain had been effectually rescued from his grasp, employed his art to work upon his captive Ferdinand's mind by a treaty, in which his restoration was covenanted on the condition of his procuring the evacuation of Spain by the English, with other articles favourable to the views of the French ruler. The treaty was in consequence signed, and sent to Spain by the hands of the duke de San Carlos, the Spanish plenipotentiary, who brought two let'ters to the Regency, one from Ferdinand, the other from Napoleon. The former they read; the latter was returned unopened. The Regency communicated the business to the Cortes at a secret sitting, which body expressed its entire satisfaction with what the other had done, and framed a decree which was publicly read at a sitting on the 30th. After a preamble expressing the desire of the Cortes to give a solemn testimony of good faith towards their allies, and perseverance against

the

the enemy, it confirms the decree of the extraordinary Cortes in 1811, by which the king was not to be acknowledged as free, or obeyed, till he had taken in the bosom of the national congress the oath prescribed by the constitution; it directs what is to be done by the generals on the frontiers upon intelligence of the king's approach, prohibiting the admission of any armed force with him, or of a single foreigner about his person; and it specifies the ceremonial to be observed on presenting the constitution to the king, and receiving his oath on its acceptance. The reading of this decree was accompanied with the applause of the auditors. A conversation ensued, respecting the publication of documents for the information of the people, when a member named Senor Reyna rose, and announcing that he had a motion to make, began with saying, "when our Sovereign Ferdinand was born, he was born with a right to the absolute sovereignty of the Spanish nation." He was immediately called to, order by a number of voices; but insisting on his liberty as a representative of the people to utter his sentiments, he proceeded to assert that it was indispensable that Ferdinand VII, as having by the abdication of Charles IV, acquired the right of being king and lord of his people, should be in the exercise of absolute sovereignty the moment he crossed the frontiers. The greatest indignation was excited against the member by this unqualified declaration of the highest monarchical principles, both among the deputies and the auditors in the gallery, and mo

tions were tumultuously made for calling him to account. At length, Reyna being ordered to leave the hall, after some further discussion, the affair was voted to be referred to the consideration of a committee. It is to be added, that the Regency communicated to the English ambassador an explicit account of all that had passed relative to the treaty, of the contents of Ferdinand's letter, and of their own conduct in consequence, than which nothing could be more honourable and decided; as on the other hand it was manifest from the terms of the treaty, which were published, that Ferdinand had entirely lent himself to the designs of Napoleon.

Intelligence arrived at Madrid from the Baron d'Eroles, that the French garrisons of Lerida, Mequinenza, and Monzon, capitulated on Feb. 18th, remaining prisoners of war. It was afterwards announced that Gerona, Olot, and Puycerda were freed; that the blockade of Barcelona was become more strict, the enemy, after having, severely suffered in a sally, remaining quiet; and that the French were in possession of only three or four fortresses in Catalonia, together with Peniscola and Murviedro.

The state of affairs in France would now no longer permit the detention of Ferdinand. On March 24th, a message was sent by the secretary of state to the Cortes, informing them of the receipt of a letter signed by king Ferdinand VII, acquainting the Regency with his intention of setting out on the 13th, from Valencey for Perpignan, and bis anxiety to arrive speedily in Spain, coming [D 2]

by

military appurtenances; the entire separation of the national guard, and municipal gendarmerie, from the troops of the line, leaving their future condition to the determination of the allied powers; and the relinquishment of the arsenals, magazines, &c. in the same state as when the capitulation was proposed. On the same day, the entrance of the sovereigns into Paris took place, the ceremonial of which is thus described by sir C. Stewart. "The cavalry, under the grand arch-duke Constantine, and the guards of all the different allied forces, were formed in columns early in the morning on the road from Bondi to Paris. The emperor of Russia with all his staff, his generals, and their suites present, proceeded to Pantin, where the king of Prussia joined him with a similar cortége. These sovereigns, surrounded by all the princes in the army, together with the prince field-marshal, and the Austrian etat-major, passed through the fauxbourg St. Martin, and entered the barrier of Paris about eleven o'clock, the Cossacks of the guard forming the advance of the march. Already was the crowd so enormous, as well as the acclamations so great, that it was difficult to move forward; but before the monarchs reached the Porte de St. Martin to turn on the boulevards, there was a moral impossibility of proceeding. All Paris seemed to be assembled and concentrated in one spot: one spring evidently directed all their movements they thronged in such masses round the emperor and king, that, with all their condescending and gracious familiarity, extending their hands on all

sides, it was in vain to attempt to satisfy the populace." In the French account it is added, that before the chiefs of the three armies entered any house, they made their troops file off before them, to preserve discipline, and prevent disorders. They then alighted at the house of the prince of Benevento (Talleyrand) and the emperor of Russia issued a declaration expressing the intentions of himself and his colleagues. It affirmed, that the allied sovereigns would no more treat with Napoleon Buonaparte, nor with any of his family; that they respected the integrity of ancient France, as it existed under its legitimate kings, and would perhaps do more for it; and that they would recognize and guarantee the constitution which France should adopt. (See State Papers).

On April 1, the members of the senate assembled in consequence of an extraordinary convocation, the Prince of Benevento being president. They passed a decree," that there shall be established a provisional government, charged to provide for the wants of the administration, and to present to the senate the plan of a constitution which may suit the French people." This government was to consist of five members, who were then nominated, Talleyrand's name standing first. On the proposal of a senator, the following articles were voted: That the senate and the legislative body are integral parts of the intended constitution: that the army, as well as the retired officers and soldiers, shall retain the ranks, honours, and pensions they at present

enjoy;

enjoy: that the public debts shall be inviolable: that the sale of the national domains shall be irrevocable: that no Frenchman shall be responsible for the public opinions he may have expressed: that liberty of worship and conscience shall be maintained, as well as liberty of the press, subject to legal penalties for its abuse.

At a sitting of the senate on the following day, a decree passed, which, after a preamble asserting, "that in a constitutional monarchy the monarch exists only in virtue of the constitution or social compact," proceeded to shew, in a number of articles, in what manner Napoleon Buonaparte had violated his compact with the French people; and, as the consequence, declared: 1. That Napoleon Buonaparte has forfeited the throne, and the hereditary right established in his family is abolished: 2. That the French people and the army are released from their oath of fidelity towards Napolean Buonaparte: 3. That the present decree shall be transmitted by a message to the provisional government of France, conveyed forthwith to all the departments and the armies, and immediately proclaimed in all the quarters of the capital. (See State Papers.) A similar resolution was on the same day adopted by the legislative body.

During these transactions in the capital, Napoleon moved his army from Troyes by Sens towards Fontainbleau. He arrived at Fromont on the 30th, and would have been in Paris had it not been in the possession of the allies. On learn ing what had passed, he retired to Corbeil, and thence to Fontainbleau, whence, on April 4, he

sent Marshals Ney and Macdonald, and General Caulaincourt, to carry to the senate his proposal of submitting to the decision of that body and of the French people, and to abdicate in favour of his son. This proposition being rejected, he announced an unconditional abdi-' cation in the following terms: "The allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon was the only obstacle to the re-establishment of the peace of Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces, for himself and heirs, the thrones of France and Italy; and that there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not ready to make to the interests of France." Such was the close of a career of insatiable ambition, which had for so many years involved Europe in blood, and shaken its firmest thrones. From the character of the man a very different termination had been expected; and after he had refused conditions of peace which would have left him a potent, though a diminished sovereign, it was supposed that there was nothing desperate to which he would not have resorted, rather than sink to a private fortune, and accept life from his victors. But from an honourable death in battle he was precluded; for what army would have accompanied him to certain defeat? and to the other resource, suicide, his mind was not made up. Whether religion, reason, or pusillanimity withheld his hand, must be judged of by those who possess means of looking within him to which we do not pretend; nor will we venture to pronounce what would have been the

most