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independent of ourselves-something fixed and firm— something which we know that our will cannot subvert, and beyond which, therefore, our hopes do not aspireseems requisite in all human society to its present peace and well being, and still more to its future security and permanence.

Until 1776, views like these, so far as the United States are concerned in them, might have been warnings for the future. Since 1782, at the latest, they are merely day-dreams of the past. In place of them, let us now indulge the hope and expectation that the American people may concur with ours in desiring that no further resentment may be nourished, no further strife be stirred, between the kindred nations; so that both, mindful of their common origin, and conscious of their growing greatness, may both alike discard, as unworthy of them, all mean and petty jealousies, and be ever henceforth what Nature has designed them— friends.

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CHAPTER LIV.

As sent forth by the Congress, the Declaration of Independence having reached the camp of Washington, was, by his orders, read aloud at the head of every regiment. There, as in most other places, it excited much less notice than might have been supposed. An American author of our own day, most careful in his statements, and most zealous in the cause of independence, observes that, "No one can read the private correspondence of the times "without being struck with the slight impression made on either the army or the mass of the people by the "Declaration." ""* The Adjutant-General, in his familiar and almost daily letters to his wife, does not even allude to it. But though there was little of enthusiasm, there were some excesses. At New York, a party of the soldiers, with tumultuary violence, tore down and beheaded a statue of the King which stood upon the Broadway, having been erected only six years before. Washington, greatly to his honour, did not shrink from the duty of rebuking them next day, in his General Orders, for their misdirected zeal.

It was at this inauspicious juncture-only a few hours after Independence had been proclaimed in the ranks of his opponents-that the bearer of the pacific commission, Lord Howe, arrived off Sandy Hook. He had cause to regret most bitterly both the delay in his passage and the limitation in his powers. He did not neglect, however, whatever means of peace were still within his reach. He sent on shore a declaration announcing to the people the object of his mission. He despatched a friendly letter,

* Life and Correspondence of President Reed, vol. i. p. 195. Washington, however, in his public letter to Congress, (as included in Mr. Jared Sparks's collection) says, that the troops had testified "their warmest approbation." Writings, vol. iii. p. 457.

independent of ourselves-something fixed and something which we know that our will cannot and beyond which, therefore, our hopes do not seems requisite in all human society to its pr. and well being, and still more to its future permanence.

Until 1776, views like these, so far States are concerned in them, might have for the future. Since 1782, at the latest, day-dreams of the past. In place of indulge the hope and expectation people may concur with ours in desi resentment may be nourished, no fur between the kindred nations; so their common origin, and consci greatness, may both alike discard. all mean and petty jealousies, a what Nature has designed them

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written at sea, to Dr. Franklin, at Philadelphia. But when Franklin's answer came, it showed him wholly adverse to a reconciliation, expressing, in strong terms, his resentment of the "atrocious injuries " which, as he said, America had suffered from "your uninformed and "proud nation." Lord Howe's next step was to send a flag of truce, with another letter, to Washington. But here a preliminary point of form arose. Lord Howe, as holding the King's commission, could not readily acknowledge any rank or title not derived from His Majesty. He had, therefore, directed his letter to George Wash"ington, Esq." On the other hand, Washington, feeling that, in his circumstances, to yield a punctilio would be to sacrifice a principle, declined to receive or open any letter not addressed to him as General. Thus, at the very outset, this negotiation was cut short.

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In the lofty tone which he here adopted, Washington was not swayed by any overweening notion of his strength. His troops had dwindled to 17,000 men, of whom above 3000 were sick, and as many detached on posts; so that around him at New York there were only 10,000 fit for duty. In one of his letters to the Congress we find him state the heavy disadvantages under which he should labour in case of an immediate attack from the English army. But in that case, he adds, "so far as I can judge, "from the professions and apparent dispositions of my troops, I shall have their support. . . . . And though "the appeal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their views without "considerable loss. Any advantage they may gain I "trust will cost them dear."* In that passage surely we see displayed a hero's mind; calmly foreseeing defeat as certain, yet as calmly resolved to abide it in the path of duty, and to contest it as long as possible.

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Not many

This letter bears date the 8th of August. days afterwards the American army was reinforced by two regiments from Pennsylvania, and by large bodies of New England and New York Militia, which increased it to 27,000 men. Of these, however, nearly one fourth

*This passage is cited in Marshall's Life (vol. ii. p. 393.), though omitted in Sparks's collection.

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