66 as would satisfy the present pressing wants of the "soldiery. But will this answer? No, sir, three or "four days of bad weather would prove our destruction. "What, then, is to become of the army this winter?

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"And this, the great and crying evil, is not all. The soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by Congress, we see none of, nor have we seen them, I believe, since "the battle of the Brandy-wine. The first, indeed, we "have now little occasion for, few men having more than one shirt, many only the moiety of one, and some none " at all! And from lack of blankets numbers have been obliged, and still are, to sit up all night by fires, instead "of taking comfortable rest in a natural and common 66 way.

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"We find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter quarters or not, for "I am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the re"monstrance, reprobating the measure as much as if they I thought the soldiers were made of stocks and stones. . . . . I can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier, and less distressing, thing to draw remonstrances "in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side, than to occupy a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets."**

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It was then, and then only, in his extremest need, that Washington attempted to supply the wants of his troops by a compulsory requisition. The seizures which he made were small in amount, yet sufficient, as he says, to excite the greatest alarm and uneasiness, even among his warmest friends. His letters clearly show the humane and generous reluctance with which he had recourse to such a measure, and declare that he should account it as among the heaviest of misfortunes if compelled to practise it again. †

The determination which Washington had taken with respect to winter quarters was not less honourable to his sagacious judgment than to his resolute will. There were, as we have just now seen, some civilian critics who, from their fire-sides, inveighed against the General for

Writings, vol. v. pp. 197-200.

† Ibid. p. 209.

going into quarters at all. On the other hand, there were many of his officers eagerly pressing that these quarters might be taken in some of the further towns, as York or Lancaster, where the comfort of the soldiers and their own might be secured. But Washington, while he deemed it impracticable and unnecessary to keep the open field throughout the winter months, was determined to remain within a short distance of his adversaries; thus, so far as possible, narrowing the sphere of their influence and lessening the reputation of their conquests. With that view, he fixed on Valley Forge, a strong position among the hills, and on the banks of the Schuylkill, only twenty miles from Philadelphia. It was then a wilderness overgrown with wood; and surely it affords no slight proof of the ascendency of Washington over his soldiers, that he could prevail upon them, in the midst of frost and snow, to set actively to work to clear this desolate spot, and to construct as they best might rude log-huts for their shelter in the place of tents. There accordingly they encamped for many months to come. On all occasions they were cheered by the ready example of the General-not more when there were perils to encounter, than with hardships and toils to undergo.

CHAPTER LVI.

IMPORTANT as may be deemed the transactions of this year in Pennsylvania, they are well-nigh cast into the shade by the campaign of the Northern armies. There, with less of talent, and fewer numbers, engaged on either side, a brighter laurel was gathered, a more decisive result was attained.

The design of invading the United States from the side of Canada has been already mentioned. It was an object of the highest importance to the British, and one which they had far too long delayed, to dissever New England from the other insurgent Colonies, by carrying their posts along the Hudson, and the intermediate lakes between Crown Point and New York. With this view, there were assembled in Canada upwards of 7000 regular troops, German and English; the German under General Riedesel; the English under General Burgoyne, who held the supreme command. An excellent train of brass artillery had been provided. Several hundred Indians, of various tribes, had been persuaded to engage. From the side of New York, Sir Henry Clinton, with the regiments left behind by Howe, might, it was expected, afford a strenuous and successful co-operation.

With such forces and such hopes, Burgoyne commenced the campaign from Crown Point at the close of June. Here follow some words from his General Orders of that day: "The army embarks to-morrow, to approach "the enemy. The services required of this particular expedition are critical and conspicuous. During our progress, occasions may occur in which nor difficulty, nor labour, nor life, are to be regarded. This army must "not retreat!"

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Ticonderoga was Burgoyne's first point. The Americans, not unprepared for an invasion from this side, had greatly strengthened the fort by new works on Mount Independence. But the troops, dispirited and ill-equipped,

and not exceeding 3,400 men, were inadequate to the defence of this position. Accordingly, no sooner was the place invested, than their General, St. Clair, called a Council of War; and the officers, agreeing in opinion, drew off the troops by night, leaving Ticonderoga to the occupation of the British. Next morning, when their retreat was discovered, they were hotly pursued; and two of their divisions being overtaken, were put to the rout, or cut to pieces, in skirmishes at Huberton and Fort Anne. The remainder made their way to General Schuyler, at Fort Edward, upon the Hudson river.

Fort Edward was now, in like manner, the aim of General Burgoyne. He rejected, as circuitous, the ordinary route by Ticonderoga and Lake George, and with his main body, pushed forward across the country from Skenesborough. Here he found himself harassed by almost every obstacle that either art or nature could supply. The Americans had felled large trees on both sides of the track, so as to fall across it with their branches mingled. The face of the country was likewise so broken with streams or swamps, that in this moderate distance, the British had no less than forty bridges to construct; one of these, a log-work over a morass, two miles in length. When at last, through all these impediments, Burgoyne did appear before Fort Edward, he found that the enemy had relinquished it on his approach, and fallen back towards Stillwater, lower down the Hudson. But the delays in his march had afforded them what they chiefly needed-further time to mature their preparations for defence.

At Fort Edward it was Burgoyne's first care to open the communications by Lake George, and thus, for the time, secure his supplies from Canada. He found himself unable to obtain adequate supplies around him; and his principal dependence was upon the stores of salt provisions brought from England into the St. Lawrence, and conveyed from thence across Lake Champlain. He found, also, that he must no longer reckon on the co-operation which he had hoped, on the side of the Mohawk river. Colonel St. Leger had been despatched from Canada with

* Ramsay's IIistory, vol. ii. p. 34.

a small body of light troops, to reduce Fort Stanwix (or Fort Schuyler, as the Americans termed it), and from thence make his way to Burgoyne; but St. Leger was baffled by the steadiness of the garrison, and compelled to retire with loss. Perhaps, however, the principal disappointment of Burgoyne lay in the ill conduct of his Indians. So early as the 11th of July we may observe him complain as follows, to the Secretary of State: "Con"fidentially to your Lordship, I may acknowledge that in "several instances, I have found the Indians little more "than a name. If, under the management of their con"ductors, they are indulged for interested reasons in all "the caprices and humours of spoiled children, like them they grow more unreasonable and importunate upon every new favour. Were they left to themselves, enor"mities too horrid to think of would ensue; guilty and "innocent, women and infants, would be a common "prey."

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It is due to Burgoyne to state, that from the first he had made most strenuous exertions, both by word and deed, to prevent any such enormities. The testimony, for example, of his aide-de-camp, Lord Petersham, when examined before the House of Commons, is clear and precise upon that point.* But, in spite of all restraints, the cruel temper and the lawless habits of these savages would sometimes burst forth-sometimes not more fatally to their enemies than to their friends. The tragical fate of Miss Mac Rea raised one loud cry of pity and of indignation on both sides of the Atlantic. This lady, in the bloom of youth and beauty, the daughter of an American loyalist, was betrothed to an officer in the British provincial troops. Anxious for her security, the officer engaged some Indians to escort her from her home, and convey her to the British camp, where her marriage would be solemnised. As a further precaution, he promised to reward the person who should bring her safe to him, with

* See Burgoyne's Narrative and Collection of Documents, pp. 65, 66. second ed. Charles Stanhope, Lord Petersham, succeeded as third Earl of Harrington in 1779, and survived till 1829. Let me say what all who knew him would, I believe, most readily attest that in his long career, and many high commands, few officers were ever more respected and beloved.