CONCLUSION.

1. We have now come so near to our own times that it is hardly possible to write any more history. We know too much and too little.

We may have seen and heard many of the principal actors in what has taken place,-eminent men, eloquent men, talented and brave men, and as yet we can hardly judge which of them were the true leaders of the time. We know, too, innumerable facts and events, but we cannot tell yet which of them are notable facts, that will greatly affect the future, and which of them were interesting only to ourselves.

2. In some respects it is evident that we have been carrying on the work of our forefathers; and in others it seems as if we have been striking out quite new paths, which will lead we know not whither.

Religious liberty.

3. We have learnt more and more of the value of religious liberty, and the injustice and folly of religious persecution. Tho Test and Corporation Acts (see p. 500) have been quite done away with. It is true that, long before, an Indemnity Act had been passed nearly every year, excusing Dissenting mayors, common council-men, and others from receiving the sacrament at church. But as no one likes to be perpetually forgiven and excused when he has done nothing wrong, it was a relief to them when the oppressive law was openly put an end to.

1828.

In the following year Roman Catholics were permitted to enter parliament and to hold other offices without taking the oath of

the royal supremacy, or declaring that they did not 1829.

believe in transubstantiation.

Thirty years afterwards the oaths were altered so that Jews also might take their places in the House of Com- 1859.

mons.

4. Changes of the same kind have also been made in the universities; and Dissenters, Catholics, and Jews may now

share in all the honours and privileges of those ancient seats of learning.

Thus we may now say that religious liberty is granted to all; and when we remember how in old times men and women were burnt, tortured, imprisoned, fined, banished, only for worshipping God according to their own conscience, we may well be thankful for the days we live in.

5. At every one of these changes there was a great excitement, and many people believed they would be the beginning of dreadful evils and danger to the safety and religion of the country. But how has it turned out? We are quite sure, at any rate, that the future historian of these times will not have to tell of such things as the histories of old times are full of-no Gunpowder Treasons, or Rye-House Plots, or fugitive Puritans. Why should Catholics, or Dissenters, or anybody else make plots, or intrigues, or flee from their country now? They have all they need: they have liberty, protection, and respect; they have a share in the government of their country; and, naturally, they love that country better than they could do when they were kept down and suspected, if not punished and ill-treated. In this way England returns to the unity which she seemed to have lost at the Reformation.

Reform
Bills.

6. In political matters too, as well as religious, we have gone on strengthening and widening the constitution by what are called Reform Bills-laws for enabling more and more of the people of the country to vote for members of parliament; giving them, that is, a voice in laying on the taxes they will have to pay, and in making the laws they will have to obey. The evil condition of the House of Commons was mentioned before, and the unfair way in which members were elected. Both the Earl of Chatham and his son William Pitt had seen how necessary it was to reform all this; to take away the "franchise," as it is called, or the right of sending representatives to parliament, from the wretched little villages with few or no inhabitants, and to give it to large and populous places which sent none. But they were never able to achieve it; it was not till long after they were both dead that the great Reform Bill was past.

1832.

7. These reforms caused a great deal of excitement and commotion. The people were bent upon having their rights, but the Conservative government, afraid of what they might do with them if they once got them, held back. Then the people broke out into riots and frightened them still

more. It is worthy of notice that in these conflicts the principal nobles who had possession of the miserable little "rotten boroughs" before described, and who had most of the unfair power in electing the members of parliament, were among the very first to see how unjust these privileges and powers were, and were among the greatest promoters of the rights of the people; while some of those who had begun by being poor men, but who had risen by their talents and industry to be powerful noblemen, were the most obstinate opponents of all reform.

8. After the passing of the Reform Bill the Conservatives were greatly afraid of what might be done by the new parliament, which was really elected by the people, instead of only partly by them, and partly by the nobles and the government. They thought we should have a revolution, and be as miserable perhaps as France had been. But they were mistaken; instead of becoming more rebellious when they had got justice, they became, as Englishmen naturally are, peaceable, obedient, and law-abiding.

1848. The Chartists.

9. There were some alarms once or twice. The people wanted some more privileges than they had yet got, and they banded together to demand another "charter" in which these should be granted them. Some of these were quite reasonable things, and others may be so in due course; but the Chartists, as they were called from their Charter, set about obtaining them in a wrong-headed manner. They intended to present a petition to parliament, which they had a full right to do; but instead of presenting it in the usual quiet manner, they assembled in an immense body to carry it to the House themselves. This was clearly intended to overawe and frighten the members, and prevent them from acting according to their own free judgment. Therefore they were not allowed to enter London in procession as they had intended; but every one was very anxious there should be no fighting, and no soldiers employed. Nearly all the gentlemen and tradesmen of London came forward to act as special constables, and the soldiers, who were in readiness to use force if it were necessary, were hidden out of sight so as to provoke no one. There was no fighting; hardly any disorder; no Wat Tyler nor Jack Cade was put to death this time. The crowds went quietly home again; and by being patient they have gradually obtained much of what they asked for in a peaceable and lawful manner. In 1867 the Conservatives themselves passed another Reform Bill, extending the right of voting to still more of the people.

1867.