the following year, serious apprehensions arose of an impending rupture with our neighbours, both on the East and West of our empire.

These apprehensions and dangers might have been warded off a few months before by the Swedish government, by its accession to the peace of Tilsit; a peace which Sweden was not prevented from concluding by her only ally, which was offered on terms by no means irreconcileable with the public interest of Sweden.

The war broke out in Finland, and its gallant defenders, at the end of a severe and honourable conflict with an enemy far superior in number, were obliged to give up to him their beloved country. This misfortune, the most calamitous event which has befallen Sweden for centuries past, might have been avoided, if the powerful preparations of defence, which the situation and nature of the country admitted, had been conducted with wisdom and skill, and if the plans of resistance, no sooner adopted than relinquished, had been conceived and carried into effect, with unity and firmness. Finland, which, in point of population and intrinsic value, formed one third part of the Swedish Empire, was lost, and this loss bore with the most destructive pressure on the two remaining thirds.

In this state of affairs, the means of waging war against such numerous enemies could not prove sufficient for any length of time, and no other resource was left than to burthen with new taxes a people unable to bear them. The public necessities increased in proportion as the means and resources of the state were destroyed. Trade and navi

gation were at a stand; our mines and agriculture were unproductive from want of hands; universal ruin was spreading wide and far; and yet it was universally known that His Royal Majesty had again repeated his former firm and unalterable determination not to conclude a peace with the present government of France, without which, however, no reconciliation with Denmark and Russia could take place.

In this situation of affairs a con siderable part of the Western army formed a resolution to march to the capital with the patriotic view which appears by the proclamation issued on their part. Similar movements took place among the rest of the Swedish troops, and it was in this critical position his Royal Majesty came to the unfortunate resolution of leaving Stockholm, and directing his family and several officers of the state, to follow him. The garrison was ordered to file off, and it was intended to assemble an army in the South, to oppose the troops who were approaching from the North and West. Two distinct governments were thus to be formed, two armies to be assembled, and a civil war was to fill up the measure of our calamities and distress.

The King's departure was, how. ever, postponed until the 13th March, at noon. An universal consternation prevailed. The most respectful remonstrances against his Majesty's determination were rejected, and no other means remained even to secure the safety of the King's own person, than to prevent him from carrying his unfortunate resolve into effect. In these circumstances all the officers of state, in conjunction with the States of the

Empire,

Empire, who were present at Stockholm, expressed to his Royal Highness the constitutional wish that he might take the reins of government into his hands; a wish to which his Royal Highness, notwithstanding his advanced age, thought himself in duty bound to accede, confiding that this step will be viewed in its proper light by every honest patriotic Swede.

From the Royal Courant, published at Amsterdam on the 4th April.

Louis Napoleon, by the Grace of God, and the Constitution of the Kingdom, King of Holland, and Constable of France, taking into consideration that the term prescribed by our Decree of the 27th November, 1808, No. 5, expires on the 31st instant. Taking further into consideration that it is necessary, at the present period, to take further measures, either for the renewal of the aforesaid Decree, or the previous Decrees respecting the means of carrying into execution the prohibition of all commerce with the enemy, or of replacing them, in whole or part, by other measures calculated to place all matters relative to navigation on a footing of complete uniformity with the Decree of France and of our Brother the Emperor; and notwithstanding the difficulties arising from the maritime war, and those which commerce suffers for its own interest, being continually anxious to contribute to that important object, we have decreed and hereby decree:

Art. 1. All commerce, correspondence, and communication with England, remains prohibited according to the purport of our previous

Laws, Decrees, and Regulations, and particularly such of them as expired on the 21st instant, so far as no alteration is therein made by the present Decree.

2. From the first day of the succeeding month of April, the following fifty-two articles may be exported to friendly or neutral countries in Dutch vessels, or those sailing under the flag of neutral or allied powers, viz.

Books, beans, butter, brandy, bricks, white lead, cheese, cambricks, copper manufactured, clocks, clover and garden seeds, eels, flower roots, fruits, geneva, guazes, glue, hoops, hides dried, iron manufactured, leather, linen, linseed, madders, mill-stones, oak bark, ground oats, oils of seed, pottery, powder blue, peas, paper, perfumery, plants, pipes, playing cards, quills, rushes, silk manufactured, sacch. saturni, starch, tiles, thread and thread-tape, tobacco, tarras,turf, vinegar,watches, wine, wood manufactured.

3.The importation of the following thirty-two articles shall be permittęd, viz.

Brandy, ashes (pot,) candles, copper, corn, fish-oil, isinglass, hareskin, hemp and hemp-seed, hides (rough,) iron, leather (unmanufacture), lead, linseed, mercury, inats, pitch, Russia skins, rape-seed, stockfish, soda, tar, tallow, tobacco, timber, wax-wool, wool, bristles and fruit.

4. The commodities prepared for exportation shall not be put on board until previous notice has been given thereof to the Marine Direc tor of the Ways and Means, with a particular specification of such articles, which cannot be exported but from the ports of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Dordrecht, Gröningen,

Embden,

Embden, Harlingen, Veere, Zierikzee, Delfzil and Brouwershaven.

5. In order to the admission of any vessels into the harbours of this kingdom, they must enter in ballast or laden with the products of the north, specified in the third Article, with the exception alone of such vessels as are laden with salt, or those which in the years 1806 or 1807 obtained our licence to proceed to China for a cargo of tea, upon shewing our said authority.

6. No other goods than those nuentioned in the 4th Article shall be suffered to be imported under any pretence whatever; all prohibited goods of whatever description and in whatsoever quantity import ed, and also the vessels on board which they may be found, being hereby declared liable to confisca tion.

7. In case of suspicions arising respecting the origin of the cargo from informations received by the officers of the Marine Director, the same shall be provisionally sequestrated until proof be given that it has not come from England or her colonies.

8. Our Consuls, in giving certificates of origin for goods shipped at their ports of residence for Dutch ports, shall not confine themselves to certifying that the goods neither come from England nor her colonies, nor belong to English commerce, but they shall further specify the place from whence the goods originally came, the documents produced to them in proof of the respective declarations, and the names of the vessels in which they were conveyed from the place of origin to the port where the Consuls reside. They are required to trans

Proclamation of the Archduke Charles, dated Vienna, April 6, 1809.

The protection of our country calls us to new exploits. As long as it was possible to preserve peace by means of sacrifices, and as long as these sacrifices were consistent with the honour of the throne, with the security of the state, and with the welfare of the people, the heart of our bountiful sovereign suppressed every painful feeling in silence; but when all endeavours to preserve happy independence from the insatiable ambition of a foreign conqueror prove fruitless, when nations are falling around us, and when lawful sovereigns are torn from the hearts of their subjects; when in fine the danger of universal subjugation threatens even the happy states of Austria, and their peaceable fortunate inhabitants; then does our country demand its deliverance from us, and we stand forth in its defence.

On you, my dear brother soldiers, are fixed the eyes of the universe, and of all those who still feel fornational honours and national prosperity. You shall not share the disgrace of becoming the tools of oppression. You shall not carry on

the

the endless wars of ambition under distant climes. Your blood shall never flow for foreign fleets and foreign covetousnes; not on you shall the curse alight to annihilate innocent nations? and over the bodies of the slaughtered defenders of their country to pave the way for a foreigner to the usurped throne, A happier lot awaits you; the liberty of Europe has taken refuge under our banners. Your victories will loose its fetters, and your brothers in Germany, yet in the ranks of the enemy, long for their deliverance. You are engaged in a just cause, otherwise I should not appear at your head.

On the fields of Ulm and Marengo, whereof the enemy so often remind us with ostentatious pride, on these fields will we renew the glorious deeds of Wurtsburgh and Ostrach, of Liptingen (Stockach) and Zurich; of Verona, of the Trebbia and Novi. We will conquer a lasting peace for our country; but the great aim is not to be attained without great virtues. Unconditional subordination, strict discipline, persevering courage, and unshaken steadiness in danger, are the companions of true fortitude. Only a union of will, and a joint co-operation of the whole, lead to victory.

My sovereign and brother has invested me with extensive powers to reward and to punish. I will be every where in the middle of you, and you shall receive the first thanks of your country from your general on the field of battle. The patriotism of many of the Austrian nobility has anticipated your wants; this is a pledge in the fullest measure, of the public gratitude: but

punishment shall also, with inflexi ble rigour, fall on every breach of duty: merit shall meet with reward, and offence with animadversion, without distinction of persoll, or rank; branded with disgrace shall the worthless person be cast out to whom life is dearer than his and our honour. Adorned with the marks of public esteem, will I present to our sovereign, to the world, those brave men who have deserved well of their country, and whose names I will ever carry in my heart.

There remains one consideration which I must put you in mind of: the soldier is only formidable to the enemy in armus; civil virtues must not be strangers to him: out of the field of battle, towards the unarmed citizens and peasants, he is moderate, compassionate, and humane: he knows the evils of war, and strives to lighten them; I will punish every wanton excess with so much greater severity, as it is not the intention of our monarch to oppress neighbouring countries, but to deliver them from their oppressors, and to form with their princes a powerful bond in order to bring about a lasting peace, and to maintain the general welfare and security. Soon will foreign troops, in strict union with us, attack the common enemy. Then, brave companions in arms! honour and support them as your brothers; not vain glorious high words, but manly deeds, do honour to the warrior; by intrepidity before the enemy you must shew yourselves to be the first soldiers.

Thus then shall I one day lead you back to your own country, followed by the respect of the enemy,

and

and by the gratitude of foreign nations, after having secured by your arms an honourable peace, when the satisfaction of our mo narch, the approbation of the world, the rewards of valour, the blessings of your fellow citizens, and the consciousness of deserved repose await you.

CHARLES,

Archduke, Generalissimo.

Letter to the Vice President of the Supreme Central Junta, dated Merida, 12th April, 1809.

Excellent Signor,--The greater number of the provinces of Spain have sufficiently suffered from the horrible effects of war and conquest, and the rest are threatened with the same calamities. The melancholy events of the 27th and 28th of March, affecting the armies of generals Urbina and Cuesta, have filled with consternation and alarm those honourable Spaniards who cannot contemplate without the most poignant grief the utter desolation of our beloved country. These persons have implored the King to alleviate the distresses of such of the provinces as are occupied by French troops, and to avoid them in those which are not yet in their possession.

His Majesty has attended to their prayers, and in consequence has ordered me to repair to this city, to announce his compliance to your excellency, authorising me at the same time to consult the best means of fulfilling his wishes with such deputy or deputies as the Supreme Central Junta shall think fit to appoint.

I cannot suppose that either your

excellency or the Cerstral Junta will refuse to take this step, on which the salvation of Andalusia and the happiness of the whole kingdom depends. The business is most important in its c'aaracter, and most urgent in the present circumstances, and on that account it would be improper that it should be conducted in writing, which is likely to occasion so many disputes, irregu larities, and, doubts, and which may be avoider completely by personal conferenc e. On this ground I hope, fr om your honour and patriotism, and from that of the Junta, that you will name such person or persons to enter on the conference with me, with whom I will agree as to the place of interview. God preser ve you, &c.

JOAQUIM MARIA SOTELO.

Ansi ver, addressed to Gen. Cuesta.

Excellent Signor,-On the receipt of the letter written by Don Joaquim Maria Sotelo to the VicePre sident, and the insidious proposition on the part of the French government therein contained, the Supreme Central Junta has not forgoi ten the sacred character with which it is invested, and the solemn oa ths it has taken in concurrence with the wishes of the whole Spani sh nation. If Sotelo be the bearer of powers sufficiently extensi ve to treat for the restitution of our beloved King, and for the evacuation of our territory by the French troops instantly, let him pablish them in the usual formı ar dopted by states, and they will be a anounced to our allies. The Junta cannot neglect the employnent of the powers conceded to it

by