The accountant-general's bill was reported, and re-committed. Report the next day.

The Irish revenue continuation bill, the sugar bounty bill, the warehousing bill, the French wine bill, and the silk bounty bill, were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

The Irish militia service bill was committed. Report the next day..

The masters in chancery bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time on Monday.

The innkepers' allowance bill was committed. Report the next day.

The militia trade and excise laws amendment bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

MILITIA PAY.

Mr. Windham moved, that the act of the S2d of the King, placing the regular army and the militia on the same footing as to pay, should be entered as read, which being done, he moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable his Majesty to increase the pay of the one independant of the other in certain cases. It was intended here that the increase of pay should extend only to the subalterns of militia.

Sir W. Elford expressed his astonishment at the motion. When notice was given of the intention to increase the pay of the army in the same manner as that of the navy, he had not heard a word of excluding any part of the militia. He always understood that both, as to pay, were to stand on the same footing, and that the same proportions were to exist between the allowances of the different officers, This was the most unfounded measure that he had ever heard of. The principle on which it rested was a most strange one. It was, that because militia officers above a certain rank had private fortunes, they were not, therefore, to be paid for their services. How would this apply to other cases? Those who held the great offices of state might be deprived of their salaries on the same principle. The Duke of Bedford had certainly a large private fortune, but was he therefore deprived of his salary as Lord Lieute nant of Ireland? Besides, many of the captains in the mili tia were men of very moderate fortunes. In his own case, his contribution to the mess and the rent of his house swal

lowed

lowed up his whole pay. But by his services he was dis abled from paying the proper attention to his private affairs, and this was the case with many others. Were they to receive no compensation for all this? He thought the exclusion most unfounded and most unconstitu tional.

Colonel Wood observed, that officers above the rank of subalterns had property which officers in the army might not have, and therefore they certainly had not the same claim of necessity; of course the observations now made were not altogether in point.

Mr. Perceval could not agree in the principle of the bill, as far as it could be understood at present, for it ap peared to him that it would go the length of depriving the militia officers above the rank of subalterns of their pay altogether. Leave was then given.

The Secretary at War brought up the bill, which was read a first time. On the motion for the second reading,

Sir William Elford protested against the principle of the bill, which would give a death-blow to the militia.

The Secretary at War said, that the notice which he had given was, that an increase of pay should be given only to officers of a particular rank, and in certain cases, as it was expressed in the bill. This was not exactly a measure for a general increase of pay, therefore the honourable Baronet might as well complain that it was not extended to colonels.

Mr. Perceval said, that, from what he now understood the bill to be, it gave much greater powers to ministers than what were necessary for the object which they had in view. The law at present was, that the militia, as to pay, should be exactly on the same footing with the infantry in the regulars. But now it appeared that, in certain cases, an increase was to be allowed to the one and not to the other. But the particular object was to give the increase of pay to the militia subalterns, and to withhold it from the other officers. There was no such particular distinc tion, however, in the bill. Besides, the principle would certainly go this length, that no pay should be allowed to the superior militia officers at all, and the measure could not be defended on any other ground. This might be a good principle, but it certainly was one which deserved

322

Lome

some consideration before it was established, and therefore to propose it at this late period of the session was not very fitting.

Mr. Windham stated, that this would not affect the officers now serving in the militia, as they were not put on a worse footing than when they entered, and this went only so far as to say, that they had no claim to a participation in the proposed increase. But the learned gentleman objected to the principle. The principle, however, was not what he had stated it to be. It was not that the militia officers ought to have no pay at all, but upon the plain and obvious one, that different kinds of service ought to be differently rewarded. The pay, it was true, had been the same hitherto, but was that a reason why it should not be varied if there should appear good cause for it? A certain proportion had been established between the pay of officers of different ranks. But that, too, might be varied, if there was reason for it. As to the militia officers above a certain rank, they must have private fortunes; and could it be contended, that, because you gave an increase of pay to officers in the army whose services must be acknowledged to be of a superior nature, who might have no private fortune, and might be obliged to depend solely on their pay for the establishment of their future lives, you ought, therefore, to allow the same increase to persons in circumstances altogether different? The thing was preposterous on the face of it. He then adverted to the additional expence which an allow ánce of additional pay to the superior militia officers would occasion, and contended that this ought to be avoided, since there was no necessity for it.

Lord Castlereagh said that a badge of inferiority would thus be fixed upon the militia officers much more hurtful to their feelings than the want of the pay, and they would consider this as a precursor of some future measure still further to degrade them. The right honourable secretary himself had recognised the principle of an equal pay, by giving it to the subalterns. The militia captains might be equally in want of the pay, because the qualification required was only 2001. a year. The saving altogether would not be more than 17,000l. But, suppose the increase of pay to the should be allowed to the captains, the savings then would be quite trifling. The sum for the increase of pay to the regular field officers was only 16,000l. The militia were

in numbers about one-third of the regulars, and the saving would only be the third of 16,000l. He called upon the noble lord opposite (Temple) to support the cause of the militia on the present occasion, as he had done at former periods.

Mr. Alexander stated the influence which their situation gave to militia colonels, who possessed advan tages which could not be possessed by the regular colonels.

Lord Castlereagh observed, that if the honourable gentleman had looked at the estimate, he would have found that the additional pay did not extend to the colonels in either case.

Lord Temple pressed his wish that his honourable friend would reconsider his measure. Upon the principle which he had stated, different parts of the army itself might have different claims. As to the colonels of militia, they had no claim whatever. The field officers had not much; but as to the captains he must really insist upon the pay being extended to them, because if oflicers could not be found with the proper qualifications, power had lately been given to accept of them without, and many had been therefore admitted without the qualification.

Mr. Windham explained.

Lord De Blaquiere hoped that there could be no differ ence of opinion as to the necessity of extending the additional allowance to the captains of militia. But he thought the distinction extremely invidious, even as applied to the field officers. He was surprised that this period of the session should be chosen for the introduction of such a measure, when the militia officers had left their duty in this House, to go and discharge more pressing duties, and he hoped, therefore, that it would be reconsidered.

Colonel Crauford could not see why the measure should be objected to, except it was with a view to render his right honourable friend unpopular with the militia and volunteers, a purpose which the honourable gentlemen on the other side had laboured with great perseverance, but he believed with little success. The cavalry were excluded from this increase of pay, and so were the guards, upon the principle that they could go on very well without any addition, while, in the cases where it was allowed, there was a necessity for it. It was to prevent meritorious officers' from

from being put in prison, or being forced to quit the service from the absolute inability of existing upon their pay. If there was no complaint on account of the cavalry and the guards, where was the ground for complaint in the case of the militia?

General Tarleton knew, from his own observation, that the militia were brought to a very high state of discipline, and this was owing to the officers. They were fit to com bat with any regular troops against any enemy whatever; and when there was so much merit on the part of the officers, it was hard to make this invidious distinction.

After a few observations from Colonel Wood, the bill was ordered to be read a second time the next day.

Sir C. Pole, pursuant to notice, moved for leave to bring in a bill to extend the advantages of the 55th of the King to the petty officers, seamen, and marines, in the navy, by enabling them to allot part of their wages to the support of their wives and families. Leave given.

The bill was then brought up, read a first, and ordered to be read a seco d time the next day.

The nabob of Arcot's debts bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day.

VOLUNTEER OFFICERS.

On the motion of Mr. Windham, the House resolved itself into a committee on the volunteer officers bill.

The Speaker having left the chair,

Alderman Combe, following up the principle for which he had formerly contended, that rank should not be taken from those who already enjoyed it, moved that the words "shall have been" should be left out, for the purpose of inserting the words "shall hereafter be." The effect of this would be, that the provisions of the bill would extend only to those who might hereafter become colonels of volun teer corps.

Mr. Addington said that he had no unpleasant feelings whatever at the idea of being commanded, in case of his corps being called out for service, by any regular field officer. On the contrary, he was glad that he was relieved from the responsibility that might attach to him, in case it should have been his fortune to have commanded a field officer of the regulars. This was the feeling of every volunteer colonel with whom he had conversed on the subject.

Mr.