man chuse to have his own proposition put upon the Journals, to have it recorded as his opinion, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to exercise the royal authority during the incapacity of the King, than any other individual subject? If he would not, why would he press an abstract proposition that must throw the nation into anarchy and confusion? Mr. Sheridan observed that he felt such. absolute conviction, that he was sure no man, who was not actuated by a spirit of dissention, would propose it.

Mr. Pitt having, in reply, stated" that he trusted the house would do their duty in spite of any threat, however high the authority from which it might proceed,"

Mr. Sheridan denied that he had used any threat as imputed to him by Mr. Pitt; and remarked, that he had only spoken of the danger that might arise, if the Prince should be provoked to prefer a claim, which he certainly had not yet preferred, and the discussion of which he must continue to think as mischievous in its tendency, as it was undoubtedly unnecessary.

The question was then put and agreed to.

DECEMBER 22.

REGENCY.

As it was evident, from the complexion of both houses of parlia ment, that the majority was adverse to the claim of the Prince of Wales, as of right to the regency, it was thought most advisable by those who held the affirmative, to avoid, if possible, its being brought to a formal decision; but notwithstanding entreaties were made to this effect by the Dukes of York and Gloucester, ministers persevered in their intention, and accordingly on the 16th of December Mr. Pitt moved the three following resolutions:--

1. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that His Majesty is prevented, by his present indisposition, from coming to his parlia ment, and from attending to public business, and that the personal exercise of the royal authority is thereby, for the present, interrupted.

2. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is the right and duty of the lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great

Britain, now assembled, and lawfully, fully, and freely representing all the estates of the people of this realm, to provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, arising from His Majesty's said indisposition, in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require.

Resolved, "That for this purpose, and for maintaining entire the constitutional authority of the King, it is necessary that the said lords spiritual and temporal and commons of Great Britain should determine on the means whereby the royal assent may be given in parliament to such bill as may be passed by the two houses of parliament, respecting the exercise of the powers and authorities of the crown, in the name and on the behalf of the King, during the continuance of His Majesty's indisposition."

After a long debate these resolutions were put and carried. On the 18th the house adjourned, on account of the illness of Mr. Fox, to the day following; when Mr. Pitt being called upon to inform the house more distinctly of the mode of proceeding he intended to adopt, stated, that as, in contemplation of law, His Majesty's political capacity was entire, he should propose that their proceedings should be. under the royal authority, delegated by a commission under the great, seal. That commissioners so appointed should open the parlia ment in the name of His Majesty, in the usual form, and afterwards give the royal assent to such bill as might be passed by the two houses for appointing a regent to exercise so much of the royal autho-. rity as was necessary to be exercised during His Majesty's indisposition. This he conceived to be the only mode of proceeding that could be adopted consistently with the principles of the constitution. The question was put, "that the report of the committee on the state of the nation be brought up," and after a debate carried. The first res solution was read and agreed to. Mr. Dempster moved an amendment to the second, which was to leave out the word "right," and also the words" in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require," and insert" by presenting an address to the Prince of Wales, heir-apparent, and of full age, humbly beseeching him to take upon himself the administration of the civil and military government of the country during the incapacity of His Majesty, and no longer."-The question was put and carried, "that the word "right" stand part of the resolution." The question was next put," that the words" in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to require" stand part of the resolution." This occasioned a debate,, and Mr. Dempster withdrew his amendment from the second resolution, which was carried as it stood originally. He then moved to leave out all the third resolution, from the word "determine,” and insert his amendment. After some conversation the debate was ad journed to Monday the 22d. Upon the latter day,

Mr. SHERIDAN declared, that he thought he understood, and could remove the doubts that had been stated by some gentlemen respecting the effect of the address proposed by the amendment. It

was conceived by some, that by voting for the amendment, they decided on the question of a limited or unlimited Regency; but the case was not so, for if they voted in favor of the original resolution, they virtually admitted, that limitations were necessary. Whichever way they proceeded, however, the opportunity and the security of making limitations were precisely the same. Mr. Pitt had said, that the long disuse of the royal negative was no security that it would not be revived. The right honorable gentleman knew, from his own experience, that the powers of the prerogative might be abused, and therefore it became him to be on his guard. If you doubt the fact, he might say, look at my conduct. Recollect under what circumstances I dissolved a parliament;-how lavish I have been of the honors of the peerage, and say, that the powers of the prerogative may not be abused if you can. The right honorable gentleman observes, that the Prince may dissolve the parliament without consenting to limitations. The first act of his Regency ought to be, to consent to limitations; and was there a man who believed he would not? But in imposing restrictions, some delicacy was requisite, for every restriction that was not necessary, was not a limitation, but an insult. Was the right honorable gentleman in such haste to impose restrictions, because he feared that he could not carry the limitations which he meant to propose, unless he were a minister? Or was he apprehensive that parliament or the Prince would forget to do their duty? From some such fear, or unworthy suspicion, his haste must proceed. What provision was made if the Prince should refuse to be Regent, on the right honorable gentleman's terms? Supposing him not to refuse, would he withhold his consent from restrictions when Regent, under which he would consent to accept the trust? Would any one advise him to say, I accept the Regency under the limitations you propose, which I think are improper, and which I hope parliament will annul?

The question being called for, the house divided, when there peared for the amendment 178; against it 251; majority 73. The original resolution was then put and agreed to, and the house adjourned.

JANUARY 6, 1789.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

Mr. Pitt having given notice, that he should this day propose to the house the restrictions, within which the exercise of the regal power should be granted to the Regent, Mr. Loveden rose as soon as the order of the day was moved, and observed, that before the house proceeded to settle the terms of the regency, he conceived that they ought to know exactly where they were, and what the exigency of the case really was, the providing for which had been the object of their deliberations. No limitations of any kind could be suitably adopted, without having a reference to the cause which created the necessity for their introduction; and therefore, before they went a step further, in his humble judgment they ought to know precisely what was the present state of His Majesty's health, what the degree of alteration it had undergone since His Majesty's physicians were last examined, and whether the probability of his recovery was increased, or less than it had been, at that period. This was the more necessary as reports had gone abroad of a very contradictory kind, and the authority of the different physicians who attended His Majesty had been made use of to give sanction to those reports. He therefore moved, "That the physicians who have attended His Majesty should be again examined, to inform the house whether any alteration or amendment had taken place in the state of the King's health; and if the present symptoms were such as to give reason to hope for His Majesty's speedy recovery." This motion gave rise to a warm debate, which was managed not with the most perfect temper and moderation on either side of the house. An entire change in the ministerial offices of government was considered as one of the immediate consequences of the appointment of the Prince of Wales to the regency. And as the restrictions which Mr. Pitt had declared his intention of moving could not fail to weaken and embarrass, in a considerable degree, the new administration, and as the propriety of these restrictions was contended for upon a presumption of the speedy recovery of the King, the contending parties caught with great eagerness at some little difference of opinion relative to that point, which prevailed amongst the medical gentlemen who attended him. In the course of the debate on Mr. Loveden's motion, Mr. Pitt treated the opinion of Dr. Warren, who was less sanguine in his expectations of an immediate recovery than others, as if it had been dictated by a partiality to the rising administration; and he insinuated, that from the warmth with which that opinion was taken up and defended on the other side, it looked as if those gentlemen spoke from their wishes. These insi

nuations were repelled, as being both scandalously unjust and busely illiberal; and, in return, Dr. Willis, who was extremely confident in his expectations, and consequently the favorite on the other side, was represented as a tool employed to serve the designs of Mr. Pitt's faction. After much altercation on this subject, it was agreed that a new committee should be appointed, and that the physicians should be re-examined. In the course of the preceding debate, Mr. Pulteney mentioned his determination to divide the house, declaring that it was not likely that all His Majesty's physicians should decide alike; and therefore, as he considered the proposed inquiry to be nothing more than a design to delay, he would take the sense of the house on the question of the order of the day.

Mr. SHERIDAN begged leave to call to the recollection of the right honorable gentleman, that he was bound by his own words to submit to the proposed enquiry, since he had declared, that if any member asserted that there was a greater probability of the recovery of His Majesty sooner than there had been when the physicians were last examined, the house ought to proceed to another examination. Now, the right honorable gentleman stood exactly in that situation himself, having declared, that he had, from what he knew, reason to believe that His Majesty's speedy recovery was more probable than it had been; and he had also declared that his opinion had been extorted from him. Mr. Sheridan contended, that it was material that the physicians' characters should be deemed sacred; employed as they were about His Majesty, and not in any ordinary case; and therefore, the public had an interest in their characters.

JANUARY 16.

REGENCY RESTRICTIONS.

The committee sat till the 13th, when the report was brought up, and a motion made by Mr. Burke, and seconded by Mr. Windham, that it should be re-committed, on account of their not having examined into the grounds of the different opinions held by the physi cians respecting the probability of the King's recovery. This motion was negatived without a division; the report was ordered to be printed, and to be taken into consideration in a committee of the